# StraTechos — full corpus > Technology's Impact on Politics & Strategy. 56 articles, newest first. Generated 2026-10-26T12:08:43.487Z. Index: https://stratechos.vercel.app/llms.txt --- # Will U.S. Astronauts Land on the Moon in 2028? Don’t Count on It > The U.S. wishes to return astronauts to the Moon by 2028. And I would like to be Superman! - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/will-u-s-astronauts-land-on-the-moon-in-2028-don-t-count-on-it - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Vineeth Krishnan - Published: 19 June 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: Space - Reading time: 6 min · 1369 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/will-u-s-astronauts-land-on-the-moon-in-2028-don-t-count-on-it-4.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** From the outside, 2026 seems to be a great year for American lunar ambitions. The Artemis II mission was launched, carrying astronauts around the Moon — in the process flying further away from Earth than anyone before — and successfully bringing them back. --- From the outside, 2026 seems to be a great year for American lunar ambitions. The Artemis II mission was launched, carrying astronauts around the Moon — in the process flying further away from Earth than anyone before — and successfully bringing them back. NASA fixed issues from the Artemis I uncrewed mission in 2022, such as the heating up of its re-entry capsule. The Space Launch System (SLS) rocket and the Orion crew capsule both completed highly successful second deployments, the first with a full crew of four on board. The problem for the U.S. and NASA is that the good news pretty much ends there.  What the sheen of the successful Artemis II mission has briefly camouflaged are the myriad problems which have dogged the program from the very beginning - unrealistic deadlines, unproven technology and an overall lack of synergy, strategy and systemic accountability.  ## At Sixes & Sevens Since the Start The U.S. has taken a circuitous route to get to its current 2028 target for a manned lunar mission. In 2010, President Barack Obama set NASA the target of having a manned lunar base by 2028, serving as a stepping stone to a future manned mission to Mars.  However, rather inexplicably, the same administration then cancelled the space shuttle program a year later. While this was expected to free up funds for the Moon to Mars mission, nearly a decade passed before the next manned spaceflight mission was carried out from American soil. During this time, core competencies somewhat eroded and in spite of technological transfer to private industry, huge delays and cost overruns for strategic programs became the norm.  In the interim, the aerospace industrial complex in the U.S. witnessed a dramatic upheaval. Particularly in space launch, established players such as Lockheed Martin and Boeing saw their stock slip dramatically. SpaceX, initially seen as an unwanted outsider who had to approach the judiciary to break the United Launch Alliance (the Lockheed-Boeing consortium) monopoly, emerged by the end of the decade as the preferred partner for space launch programs - including for deep space missions. Still, the lack of clarity and mismanagement of the Moon to Mars mission was evident in the haphazard nature of the overall architecture which NASA crafted. Making things worse, while NASA has shown they can fly to the Moon and back, the [human landing system (HLS)](https://www.nasa.gov/humans-in-space/human-landing-system/) is entirely untested and wholly dependent on private actors delivering on time.  ## The Human Landing System Conundrum Lockheed Martin was selected as the lead contractor for the Orion crew capsule. But the same firm’s bid for an integrated lunar lander module - which would have mirrored the Apollo program - was rejected. Instead, this critical task has been entrusted to SpaceX and Blue Origin.  The former has admittedly achieved significant success at space launches and manned spaceflights to the ISS, but the Starship spacecraft which SpaceX plans to use for the lunar mission has barely cracked the edges of space. Causing further unnecessary headaches is the model of the Starship program. It would need multiple (estimates say around 10 at least) launches in quick time to even get the spacecraft to lunar orbit, let alone worry about landing safely on the Moon. The Starship is not just one or two tests away from carrying out the lunar landing mission. It has to successfully demonstrate multiple new technological capabilities. The mission architecture comprises an integrated, reusable launch vehicle whose upper stage will first enter into Earth orbit. There it will be refueled for the lunar ride by an estimate of 8-10 other Starships (think of these versions as fuel tankers), which means that in-orbit refueling at such a substantially large level needs to be demonstrated for the first ever time.  The refueled, Moon-bound Starship would then fire its engines and travel till lunar orbit - again, something SpaceX has not done before. Once there, the Starship would wait for the Orion capsule carrying the astronauts to rendezvous and dock with it. The astronauts heading to the surface would then transfer to the Starship, descend, land, live on the Starship during their mission, then reboard the same vessel for lift-off from the Moon, before re-docking with the Orion and transferring back for the return trip to the Earth. Needless to say, none of this has ever been done or tested in any capacity (outside lab simulations and powerpoint slides) by SpaceX. Nor for that matter has Blue Origin. At least they have one less hurdle in the way - no in-orbit refueling plans there. On the flipside, Blue Origin’s track record reads: one successful space launch and two failures - the rest of its launches have been sub-orbital missions.  ##### Challenges to a Workable HLS Solution by Artemis IV in 2028 --- # Project Glasswing and Anthropic's Quest to Build a Secure Internet > Anthropic's Mythos has unearthed several loopholes in existing software. Through Project Glasswing, the company is leading a crusade to secure internet in the AI era. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/project-glasswing-and-anthropic-s-quest-to-secure-the-internet - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 4 June 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: AI - Reading time: 4 min · 922 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/project-glasswing-and-anthropic-s-quest-to-secure-the-internet-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Anthropic's Mythos has unearthed several loopholes in existing software. Through Project Glasswing, the company is leading a crusade to secure internet in the AI era. The revelations made by Mythos Preview, Anthropic’s powerful new model has upended the world of cybersecurity over the past few weeks. --- The revelations made by Mythos Preview, Anthropic’s powerful new model has upended the world of cybersecurity over the past few weeks. Mythos opened a Pandora’s box in April 2026 when it unearthed multiple loopholes in existing software and cybersecurity architectures. The unravelling of these loopholes, which would have remained unknown if it wasn’t for Mythos, have left security planners around the world in shock and awe. Fears are rife that an inevitable future explosion of similar AI models can offer myriad avenues to hackers and malicious actors to disrupt military and economic activity. This fear is now catalysing an introspection into how cybersecurity should adapt to face new dangers in a threat matrix consisting of an infinite number of unknowns. Anthropic itself is guiding this introspection and has assumed a leading role in shaping a new cybersecurity paradigm for the AI era.   The company is spearheading this crusade through the ***Project Glasswing***, a new cybersecurity collaboration initiated in April 2026. Anthropic conceptualised the initiative as a unique inter-industry collective with a purpose – to use Mythos as a key to assess existing vulnerabilities in software. Having initially given access to 40 US-based companies at the time of its launch, Anthropic is now set to scale up Project Glasswing to include over [150 partners from 15 countries](https://www.cnbc.com/2026/06/02/anthropic-mythos-ai-project-glasswing.html). In doing so, it is standing up a new kind of “private-led” mechanism within the existing global AI governance architecture. ## Project Glasswing Revelations and Cybersecurity Anthropic’s [initial update on Project Glasswing](https://www.anthropic.com/research/glasswing-initial-update) published on 22 May 2026 underlines how Mythos has fundamentally changed the traditional cybersecurity paradigm. This is because AI is now better at quickly identifying vulnerabilities. The traditional understanding on cyber preparedness has itself been built around the process of identifying vulnerabilities. Moreover, within current protocols, there is a long time-lag between when a vulnerability is identified and a ‘patch’ is created to address it. The advent of models such as Mythos, “shrink the time and cost required to find and exploit vulnerabilities, magnifying the risk associated with these time lags”. > “A patch is simply an update to an Operating System or software which seeks to address flaws and vulnerabilities within a product.” Consequently, cybersecurity planning is now all about addressing this time lag and responding in time to verify and patch any number of vulnerabilities. With the time lag persisting, there is a high risk that adversaries could exploit the loopholes unearthed by similar tools. In the long run, however, “Mythos-class models will enable developers to build far more secure software by catching bugs before they are deployed”. ## Anthropic’s Quest to Create a Secure Internet However, this cannot be done without a major collaborative effort to understand and address the overwhelming data on vulnerabilities coming to light. It is this sort of a collaborative effort that Anthropic seeks to lead from the helm of Project Glasswing. Anthropic’s CEO**** [Dario Amodei](https://www.cnbc.com/2026/04/07/anthropic-claude-mythos-ai-hackers-cyberattacks.html) has touted Project Glasswing as “a real opportunity to create a fundamentally more secure internet and world than we had before the advent of AI-powered cyber capabilities”. In keeping with this pursuit is the decision to expand Glasswing beyond American soil. The expanded list of collaborators who are a part of Glasswing include companies operating in fields such as healthcare, water, power and communications. Moreover, the new partners shall only gain access to Mythos following a security clearance. > AI has fundamentally reshaped the limits of state capacity vis-à-vis private players. As the gatekeeper of the coveted tool which can both undermine and defend cybersecurity, Anthropic is already shaping the future narrative on cybersecurity, as much as any state government. So far, no non-American entity – except for the UK’s AI Security Institute – had been allowed to access Mythos. The company had also [offered the European Union](https://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/technology/anthropic-offers-eu-access-to-ai-model-mythos/article71051015.ece) access to Mythos, helping the bloc understand the risks emanating from similar models. However, this latest bid to take Glasswing global indicates Anthropic’s ambition to lead the global quest for a secure internet. ## Anthropic is Rewriting the Rules of Responsive AI Collaboration In spearheading this venture, Anthropic is re-writing the rules for how global cooperation on AI can maintain responsiveness with respect to the challenges thrown open by rapid technological advances. Government-led AI multilateralism, while alive, has not yet gained credibility with regards to its ability to quickly respond to threats from AI. Through Project Glasswing, Anthropic is seeking to achieve an important precedent not just for cybersecurity, but also for how AI collaboration and diplomacy can be rethought. This situation with Mythos also goes to show how AI has fundamentally reshaped the limits of state capacity vis-à-vis private players. As the gatekeeper of the coveted tool which can both undermine and defend cybersecurity, Anthropic is already shaping the future narrative on cybersecurity, as much as any state government. Moreover, Project Glasswing shall serve as a central point of information for governments and powerful corporates recalibrating their cybersecurity strategies in the AI era. Ultimately, a threat from technology can only be neutralised through an antidote from the same technology. Private actors are today in possession of the required technical know-how and the ability to innovate, in many cases having greater capacities than states. They hence have a central role in addressing threats from AI alongside governments. Let us all just hope that the Anthropic’s of the world truly understand that ‘with great power, comes great responsibility’. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # What it Means to Be Human in the AI Age > As thinking and creativity are increasingly being delegated to AI, algorithms are essentially shaping our sense of reality and conditioning how we think. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/what-it-is-to-be-human-in-the-ai-age - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 25 May 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: AI - Reading time: 4 min · 1021 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/what-it-is-to-be-human-in-the-ai-age-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** As thinking and creativity are increasingly being delegated to AI, algorithms are essentially shaping our sense of reality and conditioning how we think. The question on what it means to be human has become an existential quandary of modern times, as machine intelligence is attaining superior cognitive power. --- The question on what it means to be human has become an existential quandary of modern times, as machine intelligence is attaining superior cognitive power. In just a few years, artificial intelligence (AI) has acquired uniquely human traits. The technology is quickly inching toward becoming an entity indispensable to how individuals and communities’ function. As AI turns increasingly ‘human’, it is fundamentally transforming how human beings think, solve problems and create.   The human brain with all its complexity and reasoning abilities is regarded as a masterpiece of evolution. The mere ability to rationalize, draw from lived experiences and solve problems have set human beings apart as a superior being from the rest. Above all, the ability to create value, whether it be through art, literature or innovation is something innately human. This act of creating has satisfied existential concerns since time immemorial. The Schumpeterian notion of creative destruction has heavily shaped prevailing perceptions on AI and consequences for humanity. While creating new opportunities, new technologies or techniques would also wipe out its predecessors and destroy jobs in the process. Elsewhere, it has been hypothesized that AI would eventually wipe out humanity, much like the Terminator. > Proposed by Austrian economist, Josef Schumpeter in 1942, creative destruction pertains to innovation and the paradox of progress. The advent of new technologies while creating opportunities for progress, destroy existing modes of production and occupations. However, the biggest threat from AI is to the *MIND* itself. As thinking and creativity are increasingly being delegated to AI, algorithms are essentially shaping our sense of reality and conditioning the act of thinking. ## AI is Rewiring the Human Brain According to Rene Descartes’ 17th Century dictum, *“Cogito Ergo Sum”,* the fact that an individual thinks essentially proves they exist. Thinking is what creates awareness of the internal self, as relative to the external. In biological terms, thinking also evolves in relation to external stimuli including technological change. Throughout history, the advent of new techniques and technologies, ranging from writing to television, have altered human cognition. The human brain has coped by rewiring its capabilities, often at the cost of others. For instance, as humans became literate, the [brain compromised](https://www.bailliegifford.com/en/uk/individual-investors/insights/ic-article/2026-q1-ai-isn-t-coming-for-your-job-it-s-coming-for-your-mind-10061431/) by reducing its face-recognition capability from the left hemisphere. Once important matters could be written down and recorded, the brain also reduced its ability to retain information. As thinking gets delegated to AI, neural pathways set for problem-solving through first-hand assessment are increasingly being [redirected](https://www.bailliegifford.com/en/uk/individual-investors/insights/ic-article/2026-q1-ai-isn-t-coming-for-your-job-it-s-coming-for-your-mind-10061431/) toward delegation and oversight. The brain’s new workflow now consists of cognitive processes that are being fed by instantaneous machine-generated input, as opposed to lived experiences and conventional wisdom. In turn, this limits human beings’ ability to validate and acquire knowledge independent from predictive algorithms. As AI becomes the very lens through which perceptions of the world are formed, the technology is mediating the interaction between the internal and the external. With AI becoming a dominant framework for problem-solving, thinking gets detached from reality. The price may be paid by the brain’s innate sense of situational awareness. **What of Creativity?** March 2025 witnessed the Ghibli takeover of the internet. Behind the scenes was an image generation update implemented by ChatGPT. Through the simple act of prompting, millions of ChatGPT users gained the power to reimagine themselves in the Ghibli Studios world. In one sense, the marvel of AI, made art less mythical and accessible to all. However, in another sense, it corrupted the spirituality and sanctity of the artistic process. Each of Ghibli studio’s movies for instance, have [24 frames per second](https://studiogiggle.co.uk/animation/a-beginners-guide-to-studio-ghibli/) – taking 192 days to complete by an artist working 8-hour shifts. Art in this way is the fruit of hard-earned labour achieved through the artists’ own sacrifices. Devoid of this artistic process itself, art becomes commonplace, imitable and meaningless. In the words of famous American science fiction writer, [Ted Chiang](https://igp.sipa.columbia.edu/our-work/publications-and-resources/freedom-create-toward-openness-and-pluralism-ais-future), “AI ‘art’ abdicates the thousands of ‘choices’ inherent in artistic agency”. > Somewhere, creativity, an output achieved through trials, errors and course correction is the last bastion of humanity. Moreover, AI’s increasing hand in creative processes is leading to largescale [homogenization.](https://www.bailliegifford.com/en/uk/individual-investors/insights/ic-article/2026-q1-ai-isn-t-coming-for-your-job-it-s-coming-for-your-mind-10061431/) Even where AI-human teams work together in combinations geared toward improving efficiency, ideas across domains are growing increasingly similar to each other. This is essentially a manifestation of a fundamental shift in how humanity engages with creativity itself. Instead of making diverse errors and resolving them using unique context specific solutions, humanity is slowly being programmed to follow an AI-given DIY guide. ## An Evolving Counterculture Globally, there appears to be a [counterculture](https://mvphires.medium.com/the-counter-culture-against-ai-is-already-here-70f9eb42c18b) evolving to the great AI takeover of the cognitive sphere. This counterculture is not anti-AI in itself, but seeks to counter threats to artistic freedom and artists’ livelihood. A central demand that the Writer’s Guild of America, a collective of Hollywood scriptwriters, made to producers during the infamous [2023 strike](https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2023/oct/01/hollywood-writers-strike-artificial-intelligence), had to do with AI not controlling the writing process – a stipulation that the big production houses had to agree with. More recently, the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences announced that only movies in which the acting and writing was done entirely by humans would be [considered for the Oscars](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx21dl3v7d3o). There were several who applauded when American comedian/actor Seth Rogen stated recently, “if your instinct is to use AI and not go through that process. You shouldn’t be a writer. Because you’re not writing.” Somewhere, creativity, an output achieved through trials, errors and course correction is the last bastion of humanity in an age where it is preparing to take the next big leap. Surviving what AI does to it would require humanity to think away from the algorithm and hold on to the ability to think outside the (AI) box. Experiencing the real world with all its variables, rather than through AI’s eyes, is what shall power the indomitable spirit of human ingenuity. This is also what it shall take to find and cling on to the idea of being human in the AI era. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Vietnam’s Chip Bet –and America is all in > Vietnam's chip strategy offers key insights to small and middle powers looking to emerge as major players in the semiconductor ecosystem. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/vietnam-s-chip-bet-and-america-is-all-in - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 24 May 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: Semiconductors - Reading time: 4 min · 861 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/vietnam-s-chip-bet-and-america-is-all-in-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Vietnam's chip strategy offers key insights to small and middle powers looking to emerge as major players in the semiconductor ecosystem. --- With an ambitious goal to enter the middle-income bracket by 2030 and to become a developed country by 2045, Vietnam sees innovation and digital transformation as “[golden keys](https://vietnamnews.vn/economy/1727942/viet-nam-ready-for-next-digital-phase.html)” to unlock the doors to its new phase of development. Hanoi has placed a lot of emphasis on its bid to emerge as a global semiconductor hub, drawing [widespread interest](https://restofworld.org/2026/vietnam-us-chip-industry-china/) from governments and tech leaders alike, with the United States in particular [committed](https://restofworld.org/2026/vietnam-us-chip-industry-china/) to facilitating its growth as a counterweight to China. In February, US President Donald Trump made a landmark decision that the United States’ would [remove Vietnam](https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/donald-trump-to-remove-vietnam-from-restricted-technology-list-hanoi/article70658868.ece) from the export control list, where it had been placed alongside China and Russia since the Cold War years. Once implemented, this would allow Vietnam to access cutting-edge technologies employed in making the most advanced chips. Vietnam sees the 2024–30 time period as its [“era of national rise”](https://fulcrum.sg/vietnams-era-of-national-rise-great-expectations/), a critical window during which the rules of the new world order would be written. The term, coined in 2024 by Communist Party chief To Lam, symbolises how Vietnam sees its power trajectory in a rapidly transitioning and fragmented world order. Vietnam’s chip diplomacy is also hoping for a big win in talks to set up an R&D and semiconductor training centre in the country with [ASML](https://en.vneconomy.vn/vietnam-boosts-cooperation-with-asml-in-semiconductor-development.htm), the world’s sole manufacturer of the Extreme Ultraviolet Lithography technology. The company has been exploring the possibility of establishing an important node in its supply chain in Vietnam. Attaining technological autonomy in a critical domain such as semiconductors is almost akin to a holy grail for self-help and survival in contemporary geopolitics. Yet, interdependence continues to be one of the defining features of the evolving power dynamics around semiconductors. In this milieu, middle powers in the Indo-Pacific and beyond have sought to attain highly specialised capabilities to establish themselves as valuable players in the global tech order. This trend has further been catalysed by an overall quest for technological autonomy and self-reliance in critical technology domains. For any small or middle power looking to emerge as a strong contender within the complex global semiconductor value chain evolving around the US-China tech rivalry, four central prescripts from Vietnam’s approach are noteworthy. ### 1. Build the basicsOver the past decade, Vietnam has focused on building a strong base in assembly, testing and packaging (ATP), the last stage of the semiconductor value chain before chips are shipped to customers. Vietnam made its name as a “[reliable backend](https://www.semi.org/sea/blogs/Vietnams-Semiconductor-Pivot#:~:text=Local%20Vietnamese%20Companies%3A&text=Analysts%20cited%20by%20Reuters%20expect,anchor%20new%20capacity%20across%20ASEAN.)” by attracting investments from global leaders such as Intel, while also encouraging foreign investments in local companies for ATP. This strong backend is the fundamental enabler fuelling Vietnam’s bid to move up the value chain into design and fabrication. 2. Clustering and agglomerationVietnam has further sought to build a [local supplier base](https://www.ndtvprofit.com/economy/asml-chooses-vietnam-but-not-india-the-reason-why-10980889#:~:text=ASML%20and%20India's%20Missing%20Anchor&text=It%20now%20aims%20to%20diversify,India's%20role%20is%20different) in the country in a manner that has made it indispensable to the global high-tech supply chain. Leading chipmakers such as Samsung procure their components from Vietnam-based suppliers. This clustering has also been facilitated by infrastructure and skill development. 3. A comprehensive approachVietnam’s**** [2024 National Strategy on Semiconductors](https://www.deloitte.com/southeast-asia/en/services/tax/perspectives/vn-semiconductor-en.html) and the 2025 Law on Digital Technology Industry views the semiconductor industry and its stages in a “[comprehensive and complete](https://english.mst.gov.vn/realising-the-strategy-for-developing-the-semiconductor-industry-and-managing-ai-in-vietnam-197250102095550533.htm)” way, aiming**** to transform Vietnam into a key supplier of semiconductors by 2050. These policies entail clear direction and seek to align the various elements and facilitators of the complex chips ecosystem including STEM talent, industrial modernisation and infrastructure development. 4. Leveraging strengthsHanoi efficiently leverages niche strengths in STEM talent, low labour costs as well as ATP to negotiate from a position of strength and attract leading tech companies. Strategic efforts have also been made to capitalise on Vietnam’s abundance in [Rare Earth Elements](https://scroll.in/article/1089491/economic-statecraft-how-middle-powers-south-korea-vietnam-and-taiwan-are-securing-their-interests). In December 2025, the government of Vietnam voted to terminate the exports of REEs. In addition to bolstering the country’s position in the global technology value chain, it points to Hanoi’s strategic practice of economic statecraft. To this end, Hanoi’s “chip diplomacy” has been both persistent and tactful while seeking to ease the way for Vietnam to realise its ambitions. The signs of growing global confidence in Vietnam’s potential to emerge as an alternative to China are apparent, particularly in the United States. Vietnam has also indicated its willingness to further a US vision on supply chain security, including those envisaged under the *CHIPS Act*, 2022. In addition to joining the International Technology Security and Innovation (ITSI) Fund set up under the Act to support semiconductor supply chain diversification, Vietnam has also engaged with the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. What sets Vietnam apart from other middle powers is a semiconductor strategy that is geared toward clear goals, synchronised to strengthen the various elements of the complex chips ecosystem. The agility and resilience of its industry is further enhanced by openness to international collaboration. With the United States batting for Vietnam to emerge as a key cog in the semiconductor supply chain, the country may evolve as a chip leader in the decades to come. ***This article was originally published in [The Interpreter](https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/vietnam-s-chip-bet-america-all#:~:text=and%20America%20is%20all%20in,-Anupama%20Vijayakumar&text=opportunity%20in%20its%20economic%20rise.&text=With%20an%20ambitious%20goal%20to,its%20new%20phase%20of%20development.), Lowy Institute.*** **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Malaysia - Tamil Nadu Para-Diplomacy Gets a Vijay Boost > Several states can play a positive role in pushing India’s S&T ties with other countries – especially in the ASEAN region. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/malaysia-tn-para-diplomacy-gets-a-vijay-boost - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Tridivesh Singh Maini - Published: 13 May 2026 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: S&T Policy - Reading time: 4 min · 918 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/malaysia-tn-para-diplomacy-gets-a-vijay-boost-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Several states can play a positive role in pushing India’s S&T ties with other countries – especially in the ASEAN region. Soft power linkages – driven by diaspora and cultural affinity – can pave the way for closer ties. Tamil Nadu’s links to Malaysia provide a model that other Indian states can replicate. --- Soft power linkages – driven by diaspora and cultural affinity – can pave the way for closer ties. Tamil Nadu’s links to Malaysia provide a model that other Indian states can replicate. ![Newly appointed Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Vijay is a major celebrity among Malaysia's Tamil diaspora](https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/0f472a_d12e4dd7a2d4404da5e6b2058a0e39fb-5.jpeg) In the days following the announcement of election results in Assam, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal on 4 May, the global community has been reacting to the outcomes. Several international publications commented on the results of the West Bengal election, which the BJP won with a thumping majority. U.S. President Donald Trump congratulated PM Modi for what he dubbed as a ‘[historic’](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/us/donald-trump-hails-pm-modi-for-historic-decisive-win/articleshow/130842085.cms) win. Significantly, Malaysian PM Anwar Ibrahim congratulated Tamil Nadu CM Chandrashekhar Joseph Vijay. On X, PM Ibrahim said that the people of Tamil Nadu had entrusted Vijay with a ‘responsibility’ which was ‘far greater’ than any on screen role. Ibrahim also highlighted the [point](https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/malaysia-tamil-nadu-share-deep-ties-says-pm-anwar-ibrahim-congratulates-new-tamil-nadu-cm-joseph-vijay/article70968433.ece): > “Malaysia and Tamil Nadu share deep historical, cultural and people-to-people ties across generations. I look forward to working closely with Chief Minister Vijay in the years ahead.” The message was warmly received by Vijay, who [pledged](https://www.nst.com.my/news/nation/2026/05/1438018/vijay-thanks-anwar-congratulatory-message) to foster greater cooperation with Malaysia and thanked PM Ibrahim for his kind words. ## Malaysia-TN: The Diaspora and Cultural Connect Malaysia is home to a large population of individuals of Indian origin – an estimated [2 million.](https://www.hindustantimes.com/ht-insight/international-affairs/indian-diaspora-in-malaysia-forgotten-community-101723701681907.html) The Indian community in Malaysia accounts for [6-7%](https://english.nepalnews.com/s/south-asia/tamil-nadu-cm-vijay-thanks-malaysia-pm-for-wishes-on-electoral-victory-commits-deeper-cooperation/) of the total population. Tamil speakers [account](https://english.nepalnews.com/s/south-asia/tamil-nadu-cm-vijay-thanks-malaysia-pm-for-wishes-on-electoral-victory-commits-deeper-cooperation/) for an estimated 90% of the Indian population in Malaysia. During his visit to Malaysia in February 2026, PM Modi had highlighted the contributions of the Tamil [diaspora](https://www.mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl/40707/Prime+Ministers+address+to+the+Indian+Community+in+Malaysia+February+07+2026) in Malaysia: **“**The members of the Tamil diaspora in Malaysia are serving the society in various fields and the Tamil diaspora has been here for many centuries, and inspired by this history, we are proud to have established the Thiruvalluvar Chair in the University of Malaya.” He also [said](https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/india-malaysia-ink-6-key-pacts-pm-modi-talks-up-shared-love-for-tamil-culture-2864883-2026-02-08) that one of the important links between India and Malaysia was the ‘shared love for the Tamil language’. He highlighted the fact that the Tamil language has a strong imprint on Malaysia’s media, education and culture. ## Popularity of Tamil Cinema Several Tamil films like *Kabali* (2016)*, Iru Mugan* (2016)*, Kadaram Kondan (2019)* and *Ace* (2025) have been shot in Malaysia. Meanwhile, Vijay’s [Greatest of All Time (GOAT),](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/tamil/movies/news/vijays-goat-dethrones-rajinikanths-jailer-to-set-a-new-record-for-a-tamil-film-in-malaysia/articleshow/113487380.cms) released in 2024, emerged as the highest grossing film (the film was also released in Hindi and Telugu). This was amongst his last films before he plunged into TN politics. It would be pertinent to point out here that several Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada films have also been shot in Malaysia. While Rajnikanth and Vijay are the most popular Tamil stars -- others like Dhanush, Allu Arjun and Prabhas are also immensely popular in the South East Asian nation. The close links between Malaysia and Tamil cinema clearly reiterate the soft power linkages – via diaspora and popular culture – between the South-East Asian country and the Southern Indian state. ## Economic, S&T Linkages Malaysia has investments in several Indian states including Maharashtra, Karnataka, Gujarat and Delhi, while it is seeking to expand its presence in Telangana. However, some of the most significant investments the South-East Asian country has made are in Tamil Nadu – which in recent years has emerged amongst the top three Indian states in terms of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Tamil Nadu has consistently ranked [near the top](https://www.investindia.gov.in/team-india-blogs/five-indian-states-highest-fdi-fy-2024-25) in terms of FDI inflow. In May 2023, Malaysia’s state-owned oil and gas company [Petronas](https://www.petronas.com/) announced an investment of USD 4 billion. Under this project, Petronas is set to produce green hydrogen in Thoothukudi. Furthermore, Gentari, the renewable energy subsidiary of Petronas, is also expanding its presence in the [state](https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/policy/gentari-leads-indias-decarbonisation-journey/articleshow/113740315.cms?from=mdr) via wind and solar projects. In 2025, VCI Global (Malaysia) announced that it would be starting India’s first semiconductor wire manufacturing plant in partnership with Kinesis Manufacturing Solutions in Chennai. The initial investment for this plant was estimated [at USD 3.5 million.](https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/info-tech/vci-global-kinesis-to-build-semiconductor-wire-plant-in-chennai/article69285458.ece) Malaysian companies also have a presence in health management, tech and electronic goods. Samsara foods, a manufacturer of 100% vegetarian plant-based products, also has a significant footprint in Tamil Nadu. Meanwhile, the Malaysia-TN connection goes both ways as highlighted by Garuda Aerospace, a Chennai-based drone startup, announcing in 2022 that it has joined hands with [HiiLSE Global Sdn Bhd (HiiLSE Drones)](https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/bangalore/garuda-aerospace-to-set-up-drone-factory-in-malaysia-7990321/) for establishing a drone factory in Malaysia. Furthermore, in 2024, IIT Madras entered into a partnership with [SilTerra Malaysia Sdn. Bhd](https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/info-tech/iit-madras-partners-with-silterra-malaysia-for-silicon-photonic-processor-chips/article68210379.ece). for joint development of programmable silicon photonic processor chips.  ## Malaysian PM’s Message: Beyond Soft Power The congratulatory message from the Malaysian PM to the Tamil Nadu CM needs to be viewed not just from the soft power lens but also the growing importance of state governments in foreign policy – often referred to as ‘[para-diplomacy’](https://www.globalasia.org/v19no1/feature/para-diplomacy-how-state-governments-complement-indias-foreign-relations_tridivesh-singh-maini). New Delhi and India’s state governments need to work together to ensure that states are successful in tapping the diaspora and leverage historical linkages. At the same time, it is also important for India’s states to focus on South-East Asia given the geographical proximity and the increasing interest of those nations in tapping opportunities in India. A strong reiteration of this is the recent visit of the Vietnamese President, To Lam to India, where apart from visiting Delhi he also attended an [India-Vietnam Business Forum in](https://www.reutersconnect.com/item/india-vietnam-president-to-lam-attends-indiavietnam-business-forum-in-mumbai/dGFnOnJldXRlcnMuY29tLDIwMjY6bmV3c21sX01UMVNJUEEwMDBWSVBWTDk) Mumbai. There is particular scope for cooperation in infrastructure, AI and semi-conductors between India and South-East Asia and state governments have an important role to play. Taking the cue from Tamil Nadu and its ties with Malaysia, it is vitally important that ‘para-diplomacy’ gains momentum in India and benefits more states. --- # Rules or Practice: New Shades in Global AI Governance > AI today is not just a technology but an instrument of sovereignty, economic competition, and global influence. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/rules-or-practice-new-shades-in-global-ai-governance - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anton Tamarovich - Published: 14 April 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: AI - Reading time: 7 min · 1613 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/rules-or-practice-new-shades-in-global-ai-governance-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** AI today is not just a technology but an instrument of sovereignty, economic competition, and global influence. The key question is not who writes the most comprehensive rules, nor who builds the largest model, but who most effectively integrates AI into institutions and the economy. --- The key question is not who writes the most comprehensive rules, nor who builds the largest model, but who most effectively integrates AI into institutions and the economy. From February 16 to 20, 2026, [the India AI Impact Summit](https://impact.indiaai.gov.in/) took place in New Delhi — the fourth and largest in a series of global artificial intelligence summits launched in 2023. The event brought together more than 100,000 participants, around 20 heads of state and government, as well as delegations from over 110 countries and 30 international organizations. In total, more than 400 sessions were held — a scale that in itself became a political statement. Many expected the summit to serve as a starting point for establishing a sustainable course that would allow middle powers to participate in shaping the rules of joint AI development and prevent the concentration of benefits from this technology in the hands of only a few companies from the United States and China. However, instead of a unified architecture of global governance, the summit documented what had previously existed as a trend: global consensus on AI is fragmenting into competing regulatory philosophies. These disagreements are not technical but fundamental — they reflect differing views on the role of the state, the market, and international institutions. ## From “Safety” to “Impact”: A Shift in the Global AI Agenda The evolution of AI summits reflects an ongoing search for common ground. While the early meetings — the “Safety” summits in Bletchley Park (2023) and Seoul (2024) — focused on risk mitigation and prevention, the “Action” summit in Paris (2025) brought geopolitical and geoeconomic competition to the forefront, including competition for standards, markets, and national champions. In turn, the “Impact” summit in New Delhi (2026) shifted the focus [toward practical implementation of technologies](https://www.forbes.com/sites/cathyhackl/2026/02/14/indias-ai-impact-summit-signals-a-power-shift-in-the-global-ai-era/). Where three years ago concerns about existential AI risks dominated and calls for preventive regulation were prominent, today the focus has shifted toward pragmatism: the decisive question is who will be able to integrate AI into public services, the economy, and infrastructure — and thereby define the rules of the game. The location is equally symbolic. For the first time, an event of this scale was held in a Global South country. AI governance is no longer the exclusive domain of Western elites and technology giants. The question is whether this is supported by real capabilities. ## The New Delhi Declaration: Symbol of Unity, Reality of Divergence The culmination of the summit was [the New Delhi Declaration on AI Impact](https://neweconomy.expert/news/262562/), endorsed by 91 countries, including China, Russia, and the United States. It is worth recalling that Washington demonstratively [refused](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2025/feb/11/us-uk-paris-ai-summit-artificial-intelligence-declaration) to sign the Paris Summit declaration in 2025, considering its approach to AI risks and inclusivity excessive. The declaration covers issues such as democratizing access to computing power, data, and AI models; expanding the role of AI in healthcare, education, agriculture, and public services; and principles of accountability and human oversight. At the same time, the document has been justifiably criticized for conceptual redundancy: in essence, it reiterates positions already articulated by the OECD, G20, UNESCO, and previous summits. This reveals a systemic problem. The document contains neither financial commitments nor mechanisms for creating and using shared computing infrastructure, nor binding standards. As one commentator [said](https://theprobe.in/science-technology/ai-summit-hype-hard-truths-and-indias-ai-gap): “Non-binding declarations are the international equivalent of LinkedIn likes: generous, free, and quickly forgotten.” This skepticism is hardly exaggerated. Behind the declaration lies a fundamental asymmetry: approximately 90% of the world’s AI computing infrastructure is controlled by just two countries — the United States and China. The document calls for fair use of technology but avoids addressing the concentration of computing power, data, and know-how in the hands of a few states and corporations. At the same time, it would be a mistake to dismiss the declaration entirely. The participation of 91 actors creates — albeit conditionally — a platform where China, Russia, and the United States are present together, enabling discussion of coexistence among already established independent AI systems. ## The Clash of AI Paradigms By spring 2026, three distinct models have emerged, each grounded in its own philosophy. **United States: technological dominance and minimal regulation:** The Trump administration advocates minimal regulation to maintain U.S. global leadership in AI. This position was [articulated](https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2026/02/u-s-promotes-ai-adoption-sovereignty-and-exports-at-india-ai-impact-summit/) clearly by Michael Kratsios, Director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, who stated: “We believe AI adoption cannot lead to a brighter future if it is subject to bureaucracies and centralized control.” At the same time, leaders of major tech companies speak about the need for [“smart regulation”](https://www.financial-news.co.uk/exclusive-tech-ceos-plead-with-capitol-hill-on-smart-ai-regulation/), while the White House remains cautious. **European Union: a minimal-risk zone:** The European approach is based on mandatory transparency requirements within a risk-based framework, where the level of state control and regulatory strictness depends on the level of risk posed by a given AI system. The EU [was the first](https://artificialintelligenceact.eu/) to adopt a comprehensive AI law (the AI Act), one of the most ambitious regulatory experiments in technological policy. It requires conformity assessments for high-risk systems before market entry, imposes significant fines for violations, and has extraterritorial scope: its requirements apply to any provider serving EU users, regardless of location. The logic of this framework is to manage risks before harm occurs. However, the cost of such precaution is increased business costs and potential investor flight to more permissive jurisdictions. **Flexible pragmatism:** The third path lacks a clear regional identity but shares common features: voluntary frameworks and situational adaptation. This is not an absence of strategy but a different logic, where speed of deployment is valued over regulatory completeness. For example, Singapore launched [the world’s first](https://www.bakermckenzie.com/en/insight/publications/2026/01/singapore-governance-framework-for-agentic-ai-launched) governance system for agent-based AI on January 22, 2026 — autonomous systems capable of planning and executing tasks with minimal human involvement. China’s model is also notable, combining rapid deployment conditions with strict political oversight, including fines and strict data localization requirements. Russia’s approach balances soft regulation through [an AI ethics code](https://ethics.a-ai.ru/) with a risk-based approach that differentiates the level of experimental freedom depending on application domains. Notably, although often overlooked, Russia’s approach largely aligns with the model presented by India at the summit. **The Indian Model: A Fourth Path or Tactical Compromise?** A key feature of the Indian model is that governance develops in parallel with implementation rather than preceding it. Rules are not rejected, but their sequencing is different: institutional adoption of technology comes before the consolidation of regulatory frameworks. Instead of competing in frontier model development, India focuses on: - institutional implementation of AI, - adapting open-source models to national needs, - integrating legal mechanisms into technological architectures. For example, the summit presented the Sarvam AI model, developed by fine-tuning the open-source Mistral base model on local-language data. This is not a frontier breakthrough but an implementation strategy: take existing technologies, adapt them, and embed them into institutional structures. For a country that cannot compete with companies like Google in terms of investment, this may be the only rational strategy — and potentially the most relevant for many countries. ## The United Nations: A Platform for Global Consensus The UN seeks to become a platform for global AI governance by attempting to unify fragmented and rapidly evolving regulatory practices. At the summit, it [was announced](https://press.un.org/en/2026/ga12751.doc.htm) that an Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, consisting of 40 experts, would be established. Its task is to produce annual evidence-based reports synthesizing research on AI capabilities, risks, and impacts, helping states develop informed positions. UN Secretary-General António Guterres also announced the Global Dialogue on AI Governance, to be held in Geneva in May 2026. As [he noted](https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/02/1167011): “Without a common baseline, fragmentation prevails — different regions will operate under incompatible policies and technical standards. This will increase costs, weaken security, and deepen divisions.” However, concerns remain: the U.S. views multilateral governance as a threat, while the EU insists on exporting its regulatory model. In such conditions, UN initiatives may struggle to establish a unified global strategy — although the UN remains the only universally recognized international institution. ## Conclusions and Outlook AI today is not just a technology but an instrument of sovereignty, economic competition, and global influence. Multiple regulatory models are emerging, and their interaction will shape the global AI architecture over the next decade. Fragmentation appears not as a temporary deviation but as the new normal. Attempts to establish universal consensus face fundamental differences in political philosophies and economic interests. A more realistic strategy may involve coalitions of countries aligning on technical standards, sharing practices, and gradually forming common data markets. At the same time, a structural gap persists between rhetoric and real capabilities. For Global South countries, the issue is not ambition but lack of “hard” capacity — models, infrastructure, talent, and energy resources. Without addressing these constraints, declarations risk remaining symbolic. The rapid pace of AI development further complicates regulation: detailed rules may become obsolete before implementation. The AI Act is a clear example — developed before the rise of generative AI and agents, it has already required revision. Yet halting AI adoption is not an option. Countries that fail to integrate AI into institutional systems risk economic restructuring costs, inertia, and dependency. Ultimately, the key question is not who writes the most comprehensive rules, nor who builds the largest model, but who most effectively integrates AI into institutions and the economy. Thus, the country that develops the most practical and effective AI strategy will gain the greatest advantage in the coming “AI-ization” of the world. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. A version of this article was published in Russian on the website of the [Russian Council](https://russiancouncil.ru/en/). --- # AI Multilateralism: Why the UN Remains the Central Cog in Global AI Governance > UN-led AI multilateralism has been grappling with the realities of a fragmented world order in the recent past. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/ai-multilateralism-why-the-un-remains-the-central-cog-in-global-ai-governance - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 20 February 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: AI - Reading time: 5 min · 1188 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/ai-multilateralism-why-the-un-remains-the-central-cog-in-global-ai-governance-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** UN-led AI multilateralism has been grappling with the realities of a fragmented world order in the recent past. Despite this reality, the UN has time and again advocated strongly for the urgency for governing AI so that the fate of humanity is not left to an algorithm. --- Despite this reality, the UN has time and again advocated strongly for the urgency for governing AI so that the fate of humanity is not left to an algorithm. While the AI race and major powers' pursuit of national interests have dampened the UN's efforts in this direction, it has made commendable forays with respect to laying the foundations for consensus building. The UN's overtures toward solidifying norms with respect to leveraging AI for sustainable development and to ensure equitable distribution of its benefits are particularly noteworthy. Irrespective of how AI would shape geopolitical competition in the near future, the UN shall continue to prevail as a guiding light for AI multilateralism. The role of the United Nations (UN), which has served as the anchor of the world order in the post-1945 era is increasingly being questioned in the 21st Century. To many, the lack of faith in UN-led multilateralism has reached levels unseen before. Addressing the UN General Assembly on 23 September 2025, US President Donald Trump seemed to mockingly lament the inability of the UN to “be of help”. On one level, this lack of faith springs from the UN’s inability to address prevailing challenges to global peace and security. This growing lack of faith is compounded by multiple challenges that the fast-paced diffusion of AI and its integration into critical sectors are throwing open. Amid growing calls for international collaboration in managing AI risk, the UN’s efforts at crafting AI multilateralism have been thwarted by the major powers’ relentless pursuit of power and national interest. Yet, the UN has sought to highlight the urgency of governing AI, a technology if left ungoverned can become an existential threat. Legitimizing collective action through consensus-building wherever possible, the UN has sought to draw from the time-tested and [reliable elements of multilateralism](https://unu.edu/article/serve-humankind-ai-must-be-shaped-un-values): “trust, consultation, collective decision-making, compromise and solidarity”. Steadily engaged in constructing mechanisms that prioritize the UN’s core values anchored to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN has laid foundations for inviolable norms, whose diffusion is shaping AI governance around the world. In this regard, its efforts have sought to overcome structural cracks in AI multilateralism. ## Cracks in the AI Multilateralism AI as a domain is a central resource driving geopolitical competition today. The major competitors in the AI race seldom agree on how the technology is to be governed. Particularly in the current context, effective multilateralism has been marred by the United States’ aversion to global AI governance. The UN Security Council meeting on AI held on 22 September 2025 witnessed the USA expressing its outright rejection of all efforts by international bodies to assert centralized control and global governance of AI. Meanwhile, Russia has sought to oppose any restrictions from the UNSC on AI while viewing the technology as crucial to national security. Russia, however, has signaled that it would welcome AI regulation from the UN in general. China on the other hand has advocated for an AI governance mechanism that upholds respect for sovereignty and equity. Amid the US taking a step back, China and Russia have stepped forward with attractive alternatives that reflect their contrasting interests. At least two major initiatives have been launched by China as a means to lead global collaboration on people-centric AI: the [Global AI Governance initiative](https://gd.china-embassy.gov.cn/eng/zxhd_1/202310/t20231024_11167412.htm) launched in 2023 and [World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organisation (WAICO)](https://www.reuters.com/world/china/chinas-xi-pushes-global-ai-body-apec-counter-us-2025-11-01/), which was announced at the 2025 Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting held in Gyeongju, South Korea.  Through WAICO, China intends to foster collaboration for making AI as a public good for the international community. Meanwhile, Russia has prominently employed BRICS as a forum to further its version of AI multilateralism. The status quo of AI multilateralism is hence characterized by fragmentation, a structural obstacle that the UN is striving to overcome. ## Consultative and Consensus-based: The UN’s Contributions to AI Governance The fragmented global AI governance landscape largely consists of soft law.  The role of the UN has so far been to lay the foundations for consensus-building towards aspirational legally binding arrangements. The UN has done this through starting out from the bare threads of peremptory norms in international law. Peremptory norms or *jus cogens* essentially refer to those principles which are commonly accepted by the international community as something that should not be derogated. In this vein, human rights and sustainable development have been anchors upon which much of the existing soft law on AI rests upon. The [Global Digital Compact](https://press.un.org/en/2024/ga12627.doc.htm) which was adopted as annex to the Pact of the Future in 2024, which called for addressing digital divides and enhancing international AI governance, further epitomizes the UN’s efforts to prioritize equity. Moreover, AI ethics has been an area where the UN’s interventions have been highly successful.  Efforts have also been made to solidify norms around AI as safe, secure, trustworthy and responsible. The [recommendations](https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/recommendation-ethics-artificial-intelligence) by the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) on AI ethics released in 2021 stands as success in this regard. Adopted by all 194 UN member-states these recommendations stand as the most widely adopted international instrument on AI in the current context. The UNESCO’s endeavours towards handholding nation-states in gauging AI readiness and formulating locally relevant AI policies are also commendable. The UN has sought to set global AI governance on a successful course through adopting mechanisms that foster inclusive dialogue and expert advice. At the recent launch of the Global Dialogue on AI, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres identified three foundational pillars of AI governance: policy made through multilateral dialogue, science as the basis of decision-making and capacity building for bridging the AI divide.  The newly constituted mechanisms including the Global Dialogue on AI and the International Independent Scientific Panel on AI shall work to strengthen these pillars. The two new mechanisms can make pivotal contributions toward bolstering AI governance through bringing a range of stakeholders to the table. ## And the UN Shall Endure in AI Governance Flaws inherent within the UN system are bound to make consensus building challenging. Both the complexity of the subject matter and the diverse interests of the various entities at the table are bound to render the negotiations difficult. Entities, state-or-non-state- chasing after victories, are unlikely to arrive at consensus-based legally binding outcomes. The larger inability of the UN to enforce its treaties, particularly amid the US’s absence, further constrains the UN’s ability to comprehensively govern AI. In the words of [UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres](https://unu.edu/article/serve-humankind-ai-must-be-shaped-un-values), “multilateralism is the beating heart of the UN”. Its role moving forward in the fragmented AI governance landscape is to fly the flag of multilateralism high. Particularly for the countries in the Global South, the UN remains the primary forum for voicing their concerns and to use AI as an opportunity to pursue sustainable development. Despite the highs and lows that the faith in multilateralism would undergo in the coming decades, UN-led multilateralism in AI is here to stay as a guiding light to the majority of the world. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Shaping AI’s Impact for the Better: The Global South May Hold the Answers > The Global South may be at the margins of the AI revolution. However, when it comes to AI governance, it has unique solutions to offer the world. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/shaping-ai-s-impact-for-the-better-the-global-south-may-hold-the-answers - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 19 February 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: AI - Reading time: 4 min · 1005 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/shaping-ai-s-impact-for-the-better-the-global-south-may-hold-the-answers-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** A vast part of the Global South may be at the margins of the AI revolution. However, when it comes to AI governance, the Global South has unique solutions to offer to the world. --- A vast part of the Global South may be at the margins of the AI revolution. However, when it comes to AI governance, the Global South has unique solutions to offer to the world. Having keenly observed the trajectory of AI regulation in the Global North over the past few years, the Global South has evolved flexible modes of governance which can quickly adapt to the rapid advances in technology and its fast-paced diffusion. As the world seeks to shape AI's impact toward a sustainable and equitable future, the Global South may have important solutions to offer. As AI governance moves forward through a topsy-turvy geopolitical track, bringing the Global South aboard the bandwagon has become a much discussed, if not central point in how an equitable AI era is being thought of. Particularly in the lead up to the AI Impact Summit 2026, the concerns of the Global South and what it has to offer to the world in terms of governance insights has featured across myriad panel discussions. ## Situating the Global South at the AI Governance Table In the context of emerging tech governance, the Global South can collectively be understood as a group of developing nations, the majority of whom are located in the Southern Hemisphere in the continents of Africa, Asia and Latin America. Their historical memory of past colonisation continues to shape their perceptions of the world order as well as approach to international relations. Historically, the Global South has approached emerging technologies with caution and skepticism. This may be particularly so since the three industrial revolutions of the past had served to widen the gap in economic and political standing vis-à-vis the technologically advanced nations of the West. While cognizant of the opportunities that AI presents, the Global South perceives the technology as a threat to be addressed through ethically grounded governance. Herein, [four ‘E’s](https://www.ris.org.in/sites/default/files/Publication/DP-296-Anupama-Vijayakumar.pdf): Extractivism, Exclusion, Ethnocentricism and Enforcement - have been underlined as embodying the concerns that the Global South countries are seeking to address while formulating AI regulation. ![Source: Vijayakumar, A. (2024), AI Ethics for the Global South: Perspectives, Practicalities and India's Role, RIS Discussion Paper 296: DP-296-Anupama-Vijayakumar.pdf](https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/d753ec_3cfe78f417024fc6b169e208a5cfa299-4.png) A vast majority of countries in the Global South are in the nascent stages of framing their AI regulations. Unlike regulatory frameworks originating from the United States and Europe, these nations have not tied their approaches strictly to grand national ambitions of winning the AI race or on mitigating risk. The Global South has instead stood by and observed the plus points and pitfalls of those who moved first to regulate. Regulators in the Global South are also watching keenly the aspects of AI regulation that are occurring as afterthoughts for the Global North.   ## Shaping AI’s Impact for Development and Inclusivity Significantly, AI governance in the Global South has sought to draw from subaltern philosophies and ethics, distinct from deontological ethics which has heavy influenced Western AI ethics. The notion of right or wrong in deontology is to focus on the “intention” driving an action and the “means” used to implement it. In contrast, ethical templates originating in the Global South, whether it be [*Ubuntu*](https://www.ttbook.org/interview/i-am-because-we-are-african-philosophy-ubuntu) from Africa, [*Sumak Kawsay*](https://pachamama.org/sumak-kawsay) from Latin America or India’s [*Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam*](https://www.brookings.edu/articles/vasudhaiva-kutumbakam-for-the-21st-century__trashed/) emphasise upon inclusivity, interconnectedness and equitable distribution of benefits, at the cost of no harm. Within these broad templates, Global South nations are crafting their AI strategies in light of their respective capabilities, geared towards furthering equitable development. In pursuance of leveraging AI and all that it has to offer for development, the Global South has evolved targeted, high-impact interventions to enhance inclusivity through sector-based approaches in domains including agriculture, health, skilling and public service delivery. These interventions are multilayered in terms of how they seek to address marginalisation. On one level, digital inclusion and bringing those excluded into the ambit of public service delivery has been seen as a major priority. Another level at which inclusivity is being pursued is by taking measures to avoid biases perpetrated by Western-made AI, including through developing models trained on sovereign data and ensuring accessibility in local languages. In this regard, the efforts made by a country like India has gone one step beyond and has sought to democratise AI through making the building blocks of AI - compute and diverse datasets - accessible to all. ## Learning from the Global South’s AI Playbook In navigating through the volatile Global AI ecosystem, Global South nations are starting to leverage their unique strengths to bargain with big tech to get what they desire. For one, the Global South originates a large amount of data that the leading players in AI train their models on. Herein, AI regulations, particularly those in Asia, are starting to counter extractivism by emphasising upon individual privacy and data security as non-negotiables. To ensure enforcement, these regulations have further sought to impose strict and clear liabilities on AI service providers for any harm caused. Meanwhile, countries such as Brazil are employing their niche strength as a rich data repository to boost its economic and diplomatic profile. Having instituted a strong domestic data protection regime, Brazil recently signed the Adequacy agreement with the European Union, creating “the world's largest area for safe, cross-border data flows”. The Global South may still be considered as being in the margins of the AI revolution as per several metrics. However, by employing agile and flexible governance frameworks that adapt quickly to the rapidly changing nature of the technology itself, Global South nations are emerging as key providers of innovative and impactful solutions. Seeking to reduce the social costs of the AI revolution, the Global South has sought to utilise AI as an instrument to address developmental challenges. In doing so, they have employed strategies that are energy efficient and economical.  As the first-movers in AI regulation seek to de-complicate AI regulation and implement course correction, the Global South’s AI rulebook may provide important insights to steer the AI revolution toward a sustainable and equitable future. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Sarvam Edge: India is Getting Closer in its Quest for Sovereign AI > A Made in India AI model unveiled ahead of the AI Impact Summit has outperformed the leading players in the market in its ability to synthesize multiple Indian languages. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/sarvam-edge-india-s-is-getting-closer-in-its-quest-for-sovereign-ai - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 18 February 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: AI - Reading time: 4 min · 853 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/sarvam-edge-india-s-is-getting-closer-in-its-quest-for-sovereign-ai-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** A Made in India AI model unveiled at the AI Impact Summit has outperformed the leading players in the market in its ability to synthesize multiple Indian languages. Optimized to work in consumer devices and in low internet connectivity conditions, the Sarvam Edge epitomizes how linguistic and digital inclusivity can be embedded into design parameters. --- A Made in India AI model unveiled at the AI Impact Summit has outperformed the leading players in the market in its ability to synthesize multiple Indian languages. Optimized to work in consumer devices and in low internet connectivity conditions, the Sarvam Edge epitomizes how linguistic and digital inclusivity can be embedded into design parameters. Its success in terms of improving accessibility goes to show how India can rewrite definitions for human-centric and inclusive AI. India has finally arrived at the global Gen AI stage with Sarvam Edge, a homegrown Large Language Model (LLM) which can synthesize over 10 Indian languages with performance comparable to Google’s Gemini 3 and Open AI’s Chat GPT. Announced a few days before the AI Impact Summit, Sarvam Edge has been developed by Bengaluru-based Sarvam AI, a company which India’s Ministry of Electronics and IT selected in 2025 to build an indigenous AI model. Now, with Sarvam Edge gaining global acclaim at the AI Impact Summit, this marks a major milestone in India’s bid to build “Sovereign AI”, comparable to DeepSeek moments which in the recent past have upended the global AI ecosystem. ## DeepSeek Moments and the Drive for Sovereign AI The US-dominated AI marketplace has been shocked and awed by periodic “DeepSeek Moments” in the recent past. The phrase first captured popular imagination in January 2025 when Chinese company DeepSeek launched the DeepSeek R1 model. With performance parameters comparable to the leaders in the market including Chat GPT, DeepSeek R1 became highly popular, as evidenced by rising number of downloads from app stores. Since then, the phrase has come to represent an emerging player in the AI market thwarting the first movers’ advantage by building AI models with highly advanced capabilities. Such capabilities are achieved often using lesser resources as compared to the first movers, and at a fraction of the cost. DeepSeek, along with a handful of other Chinese companies have continued to deliver multiple similar fetes despite strict US export controls on chips. In the realm of geopolitics, a DeepSeek moment can be seen as a modern-day equivalent of the Cold War era terminology on the “Sputnik Moment”. It essentially refers to the awe and sense of doom that fell upon American psyche when the Soviet Union became the first country to launch an artificial satellite in 1957. To the American intelligentsia, the Sputnik moment triggered a sense of unease, that Soviet Union had attained a first-mover advantage in spacefaring. It secondly cemented a sense of the need for the United States to catch up to the formidable Soviet prowess in technology. The scenario today with US first-mover advantage in AI and compute is similar. Driven by national security concerns, a number of rising powers are striving to attain [Sovereign AI](https://blogs.nvidia.com/blog/what-is-sovereign-ai/). Competition in the military domain as well as threats to economic security including supply chain disruptions and market volatility is prompting countries to “produce artificial intelligence using its own infrastructure, data, workforce and business networks”. Moreover, the pursuit of Sovereign AI, particularly in non-English speaking countries is also driven by a need to prevent linguistic exclusion. Addressing bias as well as making AI accessible has been a core driver of sovereign AI initiatives in in regions ranging from Asia to Africa and Latin America. Now with Sarvam Edge, India has marked a unique transition from evolving as a [consumer of AI to being a creator](https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2229140®=3&lang=2). ## Sarvam Edge: The India Way to Sovereign, Inclusive AI Several [unique traits of Sarvam Edge](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/technology/tech-news/sarvam-ai-aims-to-take-on-google-openai-and-others-with-its-new-edge-model-what-is-it-and-how-it-works/articleshow/128467201.cms) set it apart from its peers which are currently popular. Unlike Open AI or Google which operate on remote servers, Sarvam Edge runs entirely on consumer devices and hence, is not dependent on internet connectivity. This feature makes AI highly accessible, even from locations with sparse connectivity. Sarvam Edge is also equipped with advanced speech recognition capabilities for Indian languages including Hindi, Kannada, Telugu and Gujarati. It can process speech input in these languages and generate voice output. It can thereby facilitate cross-language communication. Particularly, in several benchmarks, its ability to synthesize Indian languages exceeds that of Google Speech-to-Text. Moreover, inclusivity as a principle of AI ethics has been embedded into Sarvam Edge. The unique requirements of the Indian market in terms of accounting for its linguistic diversity have been largely ignored by leading players in generative AI, despite the country housing a large user base. Adapting these models trained on non-Indian data, hence subject Indian users to bias.   Capabilities attained by homegrown models such as Sarvam AI are crucial for India’s quest to build AI for all. Moreover, at zero-cost per query, economic inclusivity is built into Sarvam AI. India envisages similar endeavours in Sovereign AI as important means of solving its [challenges](https://ommcomnews.com/india-news/sovereign-ai-holds-control-solutions-for-indias-real-challenges-says-policymakers/) with respect to healthcare, education, agriculture and financial inclusion. Moreover, the advent of similar models in the next few years can help overcome linguistic barriers, bring about more cross-country integration and build societal resilience across the spectrum. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # As Trump alienates allies, China, Russia watch on with glee > U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariff wars and controversial remarks over Greenland – even threatening military action – have caused much consternation to allies in Europe and elsewhere. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/as-trump-alienates-allies-china-russia-watch-on-with-glee - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Tridivesh Singh Maini - Published: 2 February 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: S&T Policy - Reading time: 5 min · 1219 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/as-trump-alienates-allies-china-russia-watch-on-with-glee-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariff wars and controversial remarks over Greenland – even threatening military action – have caused much consternation to allies in Europe and elsewhere. --- While checking China’s further rise has often been the justification behind much of his foreign policy, Trump’s actions risk playing right into the hands of the powers that be in Beijing and Moscow. Donald Trump’s tariff wars and his approach on several security issues has created global uncertainty and dented U.S. ties with allies. One of the important issues in this context is Trump’s insistence regarding U.S. control of Greenland. While speaking at the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, the U.S. President stated that he wanted [to](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/22/trump-greenland-framework-future-deal-reactions) “get Greenland, including right, title and ownership”. On 17 January 2026, Trump had [announced](https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/trump-vows-tariffs-eight-european-nations-over-greenland-2026-01-17/) the imposition of 10% tariffs, beginning 1 February 2026, on goods from Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom. Several European [leaders](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/20/trump-tariffs-over-greenland-are-an-error-says-ursula-von-der-leyen) had criticised the decision. On the sidelines of the WEF, following a meeting with the Secretary General of NATO, Mark Rutte, Trump said that they had agreed on a “framework” regarding a future deal with Greenland and the Arctic region. In a post on Truth Social, he [added](https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/trump-says-he-will-not-impose-tariffs-on-european-countries-including-denmark-over-greenland-10809120): “I will not be imposing the Tariffs that were scheduled to go into effect on February 1st”. Earlier, during his address at the WEF, the U.S. President said he would refrain from using force to capture Greenland. Even though Trump’s announcements regarding Greenland would be welcome, ties between U.S. and European nations have already witnessed a significant down-turn. The U.S. President did criticise other NATO members during his address. ## An uncertain world order U.S. Commerce Secretary, Howard Lutnick in his [address](https://www.news18.com/india/globalisation-has-failed-us-commerce-secretary-delivers-blunt-message-at-davos-ws-l-9845322.html) at the WEF said that globalisation had failed the west and criticised the old world order. The point that the world order has become more uncertain and U.S. allies will need to re-work their strategies to navigate the current order was highlighted by French President, Emmanuel Macron and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney. During his address, PM Carney made a significant [point](https://www.weforum.org/stories/2026/01/davos-2026-special-address-by-mark-carney-prime-minister-of-canada/): > “Allies will diversify to hedge against uncertainty. They'll buy insurance, increase options in order to rebuild sovereignty – sovereignty that was once grounded in rules, but will increasingly be anchored in the ability to withstand pressure.” Meanwhile, Macron during his address at the WEF, highlighted the collapse of multilateralism and flagged the need for cooperation. He pointed to the need for greater cooperation and “[building bridges”](https://tass.com/world/2074271) between G7 and BRICS nations. France currently holds the Presidency of G7 while India holds the Chairmanship of BRICS. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz also highlighted the changes in the world order and said that the U.S. was being challenged by Russia and China. In another development which clearly signals the fact that the Trump administration has no time for multilateralism, the U.S. has pulled out of the World Health Organisation (the U.S. was one of the founding members of the WHO). The Trump administration made this announcement on 22 January 2026. The key reason cited by the U.S. for pulling out of the organisation was the WHO’s mishandling of Covid. During his previous tenure, Trump had hinted at leaving the WHO. The U.S. owes more than [USD 130 million](https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/us-withdrawal-from-world-health-organization/article70541008.ece) to the WHO. ## Trump’s policies and non-NATO allies It is not just U.S. ties with Europe and Canada which have got impacted but also Asian allies – Japan, South Korea and partners like India. Countries like Russia and China are paying close attention to this rift. While commenting on the issue of Greenland, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that what happens in Greenland is none of “[Russia’s business](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/europe/an-unlikely-partner-russia-says-trumps-greenland-trope-none-of-our-business-what-it-means/articleshow/127094804.cms)”, though he also added that Denmark had treated Greenland as a colony and was “[harsh” if not “cruel](https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/putin-says-who-owns-greenland-is-no-concern-russia-says-it-might-be-worth-1-2026-01-22/)”. While speaking at a press conference on 20 January 2026, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated that Greenland was not a natural part of Denmark and that the issue of “former colonial territories” was becoming more serious. Despite the remarks of Putin, it is clear that Russia would not mind Trump’s emphasis on Greenland and the weakening of ties between the U.S. and other NATO members. Many commentators have also pointed out that Trump gets along better with authoritarian leaders. ## Allies taking a nuanced approach vis-à-vis China In response to Trump’s policies, countries are adopting a pragmatic approach vis-à-vis China. A strong example is the visit of Canadian PM Carney to [China](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/17/mark-carney-in-china-positions-canada-for-the-world-as-it-is-not-as-we-wish-it), during the course of which both countries made some important announcements pertaining to bilateral trade. Notably, Canada eased tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, while China will reduce tariffs on Canadian agricultural products. Trump issued a warning to Canada that if it went ahead with the deal, the U.S. would impose 100% tariffs on Canadian goods imported to the U.S., saying in a [post](https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20260124-trump-threatens-canada-with-100-tariff-if-it-completes-china-trade-deal) on Truth Social on 23 January 2026: > "If Canada makes a deal with China, it will immediately be hit with a 100% Tariff against all Canadian goods and products coming into the U.S.A.” The Canadian PM has clarified on 25 January 2026 that the North American nation has no plans of signing a trade agreement with China. Said [Carney](https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/canada-has-no-plans-to-pursue-fta-with-china-as-trump-threatens-tariffs-says-mark-carney/article70551789.ece): “What we have done with China is to rectify some issues that developed in the last couple of years.” The Canadian PM did have a conversation with Trump on 26 January 2026, where they discussed important geopolitical developments – including [Venezuela and Ukraine](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c9qp3x5x2jpo) – as well as the [USMCA](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c9qp3x5x2jpo), a free-trade pact between Canada, the U.S. and Mexico. Carney did reiterate that he stood by his Davos speech. The United Kingdom’s PM Keir Starmer also embarked upon a three day visit to China during [28-31 January 2026](https://www.reuters.com/world/uk/britains-starmer-heads-china-western-alliances-face-strain-2026-01-28/). Starmer highlighted the point that China is important for the U.K., though the latter needs to be mindful of differences between the two countries. Starmer’s visit was the first by a British PM to China in 8 years. ## India’s Presidency of BRICS India which took over the Presidency of BRICS on 1 January 2026 has also re-oriented its foreign policy. India has articulated, on several multilateral platforms, not just the issues related to the Global South, but also sought to reduce tensions with China. Indian PM Narendra Modi visited China in connection with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2025 (August 31-September 1). India is likely to take a balanced position on important geopolitical issues, while adopting a pragmatic stance since it has emerged as an important bridge between G7 and the Global South in recent years. While pushing for mechanisms for enhancing trade in [local currencies](https://www.reuters.com/world/india/indias-central-bank-proposes-linking-brics-digital-currencies-sources-say-2026-01-19/), India has distanced itself from the idea of a BRICS [common currency](https://www.southasiamonitor.org/spotlight/brics-presidency-india-will-have-walk-fine-balance), which highlights the point that it is adopting a nuanced approach. In conclusion, it is true that there were problems with the earlier world order. The Canadian PM made an apt point saying there was no need for ‘nostalgia’ over the past. Apart from this, Trump’s belief that allies should contribute more towards security is in sync with his agenda of ‘America First’, yet all the differences with allies can be handled in a subtler manner. While Trump often cites checking China’s further rise as one of his key objectives, the biggest beneficiary of the growing discord between the U.S. and its allies and partners is Beijing. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Technocracy Instead of Values: The Dangers of Implementing AI in Government Administration > Technology cannot replace governance itself. The consequences of blindly trusting AI may be wrong decisions and a loss of public trust in an administration that fails to consider the interests of its citizens. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/technocracy-instead-of-values-the-dangers-of-implementing-ai-in-government-administration - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anton Tamarovich - Published: 13 January 2026 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: AI, S&T Policy - Reading time: 6 min · 1347 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/technocracy-instead-of-values-the-dangers-of-implementing-ai-in-government-administration-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Over the past year, there have been an increasing number of examples of AI being introduced into public administration. The U.S. government has begun using specialized services such as ChatGPT Gov and xAI for Government; the Russian government declares the prioritization of AI implementation in its operations. --- Over the past year, there have been an increasing number of examples of AI being introduced into public administration. The U.S. government has begun using specialized services such as ChatGPT Gov and xAI for Government; the Russian government declares the prioritization of AI implementation in its operations. This trend seems to have already become irreversible. However, technology cannot replace governance itself, as it is fundamentally built on values and circumstances that are not obvious to "machines". The consequences of blindly trusting AI may be wrong decisions and a loss of public trust in an administration that fails to consider the interests of its citizens. The feature of political governance is that it resolves social conflicts and contradictions based on values: justice, equality, patriotism, democracy. In situations of resource scarcity, a manager makes choices, for example, between profit and environmental preservation, between investment and social welfare, between security and freedom. In historic speeches by politicians—whether Russian, Chinese, or American leaders—we also see appeals to important values that unite specific nations. The choice of values in each case leads to different decisions. For example, for law enforcement, so-called "troubled teens" are problem children who may become criminals and therefore should be "monitored", while social services strive to socialize these teenagers through mentoring, new social circles, and engaging pastimes. The development of urban areas is another example. An industrial district near the city center up for renovation could simply be rebuilt as new residential housing, or it could become a recreational spot on the city map. In the first case, the city budget gains revenue; in the second, residents’ comfort increases. Thus, the voter is not just a "parameter in a model", but a full-fledged participant in the political process, with their own values and objectives potentially differing from those of the state apparatus. As [shown b](https://tass.ru/obschestvo/22757213)y VCIOM data, in Russia, 52% of citizens generally trust AI, while 38% do not. But this is in general; if we talk specifically about the application of AI in public administration, the numbers reverse: 53% [view this negatively](https://www.vedomosti.ru/society/news/2024/12/24/1083382-primeneniyu-ii-v-gosupravlenii), and only 37%—positively. Among other concerns, Russians noted the following potential risks: mistaken decisions (58%) and lack of accountability for decisions made (57%). Overall, people are willing to see AI as an "assistant", but not as the final decision-maker. ## AI & Government Administration: The Problems In discussions, four main problems with AI technologies stand out: 1. **Transparency of Use.** The political decision-making process is not clear to the "average voter"—both because of process complexity and its lack of openness. This becomes even more of an issue if an AI makes decisions, as its motives are nearly impossible to explain. Even neural network developers do not always know why and based on which parameters an algorithm arrived at a particular conclusion. That is why AI is often referred to as a "black box": an observer sees only the initial input and the output. 2. **Reinforcement of Bias.** AI is trained on human-generated content and inevitably "inherits" stereotypes present in society. This becomes especially evident when comparing models created in different countries and cultural contexts. The biases and unspoken assumptions embedded in each culture can increase existing inequalities and discrimination via AI. One might suggest "re-training" the algorithms, but if policy is value-driven, this problem may be fundamentally irreconcilable within algorithmic frameworks. 3. **The Problem of Accountability and Responsibility.** The use of AI could serve as a way to shift responsibility from decision-makers to the "machine." Positive effects from AI implementation would appear in reports on efficiency, while failures and errors would be blamed on the imperfection of AI models. 4. **Technical Imperfections of AI, for example:** - Neural network "hallucinations"—that is, factual errors; - The problem of reproducibility—one can get two different answers to the same question, asked of the same model at different times; - The limited scope of training materials, as the algorithms require vast datasets. Thus, at the current stage of AI development, one cannot be sure of transparent and impartial decisions, since the behavior of the algorithm is non-obvious. AI only has "intelligence" in its name, yet its nature is fundamentally different from human intelligence. Therefore, it should be used in clearly defined and well-tested "boundaries". ## Limits of Trust Decision-making based on technology ("hyper-technocracy") pays little attention to people’s values and beliefs. All forms of human experience become merely "behavioral data", transformed into products for analysis, forecasting, and management. The choice to implement AI in public administration is itself a political decision, though it may be justified through the prism of technocratic efficiency. Any form of authority, including bureaucracy, is always politicized—a point made over a century ago by the classics of social sciences, such as Max Weber. Nevertheless, AI will likely be implemented in government regardless of voters’ approval. The complex nature of the technology and the small number of actors involved—namely, the state and the IT giants who own patents and technology—contribute to the fact that implementation will proceed exclusively "top-down", though not without challenges. In the USA, the government’s use of AI to detect potential threats on social networks has already [faced criticism](https://www.theregister.com/2023/10/25/ice_social_media_surveillance/). This campaign raised concerns about privacy, especially among immigrants. As early as 2012 in Poland, an [algorithm was developed and implemented](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0308596120300689?via%3Dihub#bib43) to profile the unemployed based on a number of characteristics. Assignment to one of three categories determined whether a person could receive state support and what type of program was offered: employment, job training, or nothing at all. Many unemployed individuals went to administrative courts, claiming that the categorization was unfair and opaque. The result: the mechanism was found unconstitutional. In the USA and Spain, there has been a [practice](https://dl.acm.org/doi/fullHtml/10.1145/3600160.3605033) of using AI in courts to decide on parole, assessing the likelihood of recidivism. Research has shown that the use of AI only amplified the bias and discrimination that were already present in these decisions even before the technologies' introduction. Uncritical use of AI not only failed to improve state efficiency but also reduced public trust in AI and, consequently, in all government measures focused on AI implementation. Thus, public trust is a prerequisite for integrating AI into public administration. Without it, citizens may respond with increased passive resistance, active protest, and a rising popularity of populist politicians who promise to "save" them from AI. ## The Russian Experience In Russia, AI implementation is part of the digital transformation program that every agency has. To support state bodies, the government [announced](https://acomsupply.com/news/rossiya/v_rossii_poyavitsya_strategicheskoe_agentstvo_po_razvitiyu_ii/) plans to create a project office for AI implementation, and specialist working groups are being formed to develop legislative frameworks for AI. So far, there is no unified regulation for AI in Russia—there are laws and bylaws covering various sectors. The "Law on Recommender Algorithms", adopted in 2023, is presumed to be a sufficient legal framework for successful AI deployment. However, the expert community highlighted during the law's development that usage scenarios for AI are very diverse, and this document does not cover them all. Moreover, civil servants work according to strict regulations and instructions that leave no room for indeterminate scenarios. As a result, simple solutions such as chatbots are being implemented on a massive scale. This uncertainty does not allow the state to use AI to its full potential but also serves to mitigate risks for now. To overcome these barriers, President Putin issued [an order](http://kremlin.ru/acts/assignments/orders/78992) in early 2026 to develop measures to intensify the implementation of AI in public administration. However, amid the intensification of AI implementation measures, the issue of protecting citizens' digital rights against known risks has fallen out of focus. As a result, the topic of public interest in the implementation of AI in public administration remains on the periphery of expert discussion and is only occasionally addressed by stakeholders. And not only in Russia. **Disclaimer:** A version of this [article](https://www.forbes.ru/mneniya/534689-tehnokratia-vmesto-cennostej-cem-opasno-vnedrenie-ii-v-upravlenie-gosudarstvom), co-authored with Alexey Almamatov, Senior Consultant of Analytical Center VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) was published in [Forbes.ru](http://Forbes.ru) on 14 April 2025. The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Human Genome Project: A Remarkable Success Story in Science Diplomacy > The HGP marks a momentous achievement in human history and in science diplomacy, involving researchers from across the world in a mega project aimed at decoding the mysteries of the human gene. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/human-genome-project-a-remarkable-success-story-in-science-diplomacy - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Disha Maheshwari - Published: 22 September 2025 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: Biotechnology - Reading time: 4 min · 980 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/human-genome-project-a-remarkable-success-story-in-science-diplomacy-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The HGP marks a momentous achievement in human history and in science diplomacy, involving researchers from across the world in a mega project aimed at decoding the mysteries of the human gene. --- In the 35 years since the HGP was initiated, the project has been directly or indirectly involved in numerous advances made across a multitude of scientific fields. The decoding of genes has not only reshaped our understanding of life but also has transformed modern science. These codes of inheritance, once mysterious, are now seen as a powerful tool for development and innovation across various disciplines. Be it medicine, forensic, agriculture or even computing, the insights of the genetic structure have helped in developing precise medicines, genetically modified crops, targeted therapies and more. It not only explains the cause of disease but also opens doors to cure it, marking a shift in healthcare from reactive to preventive. Gene research is redefining ethics, law, and even technology, with debates on gene editing and artificial intelligence integration, and the challenges to data privacy. Overall, the genetic revolution is not defined by one single breakthrough but by a series of ongoing discoveries that continue to transform science and society. ## Human Genome Project The Human Genome Project (HGP), often considered as one of the greatest scientific feats, was oriented towards the comprehensive study of DNA or Genome led by an international group of researchers. From October 1990 to April 2003, the program achieved [significant accomplishments](https://www.genome.gov/human-genome-project) that helped further technological evolution and scientific and medical advancements. Initially, its stated goal was to analyse the structure of the human DNA, determine the location of all human genes, and make them available for further biological study. Parallel studies were [carried out](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/20806633_The_Human_Genome_Project_and_International_Health) on selected model organisms to provide the comparative information required for understanding the functioning of the human genome. The foundation of HGP was laid down by Charles De Lisi, Director of the Office of Health and Environmental Research at the U.S. Department of Energy, in 1985. It gained momentum later in 1987 after an evaluation and endorsement by the Health and Environmental Research Advisory Committee (HERAC), an expert advisory body to the U.S. Department of Energy. HERAC endorsed a 15-year plan for the HGP to map and sequence the human genome. > The original human genome sequence from the HGP was primarily based on the DNA of one anonymous individual of mixed ancestry, contributing about 70% of the sequence, while the remaining 30% came from 19 mostly European individuals. In 1988, a special committee of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences announced the original goals of HGP as sequencing the entire human genome in addition to the genomes of several carefully selected non-human organisms. With this aim, the Sanger DNA Sequencing method was used, advancing it through major technological innovations. The original human genome sequence from the HGP was primarily based on the DNA of one anonymous individual of mixed ancestry, contributing about 70% of the sequence, while the remaining 30% came from 19 mostly European individuals. Officially started in 1990, the HGP aimed to identify all human genes, determine the sequence of DNA’s three billion base pairs, and make the data widely accessible while also addressing ethical and social implications. It was declared complete by the International Genome Consortium (a group of research centers from multiple countries that worked together to complete the project) in 2003, over two years ahead of its original schedule. ## HGP Achievements At an approximate cost of USD three billion, the economic benefits that the HGP helped introduce is remarkable. However, the first truly complete human genome sequence was not produced until March 2022, while the earlier drafts had [gaps](https://www.genome.gov/about-genomics/educational-resources/fact-sheets/human-genome-project). Still, as one of the largest Life Sciences projects, the HGP carried certain expectations and it met them head on, significantly bettering various industries. > Researchers from 20 separate universities and research centres across the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan and China were involved in the project. With the full map of DNA, the HGP helped revolutionize science and medicine by enabling personalized treatments based on genetic makeup, improving outcomes for diseases like cancer and heart conditions. In pharmacogenomics and nutrigenomics, it led to personalized drug and nutrition strategies, and improving forensic science through more accurate DNA profiling. The project deepened our understanding of human evolution and diversity, boosted biotechnology, supporting innovations in gene editing and synthetic biology. It laid the foundation for modern bioinformatics, allowing scientists to manage and analyse vast genomic data. Besides its scientific achievements, the project also served as a platform for successful international collaboration towards one set goal. It involved dedicated researchers numbering up to thousands working together with unprecedented cooperation and transparency. Researchers from 20 separate universities and research centres across the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan and China were involved in the project. The collaboration between these nations, despite the differences in political systems and economic priorities, set the HGP apart as a landmark in science diplomacy. ## National Models and Tackling Inclusivity Over the past two decades, National Genome Research has been initiated by several countries to analyse the genetic background of their population with the [aim](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/320429903_National_Human_Genome_Projects_An_Update_and_Agenda) to establish clinical and genetic indices for frequently reported diseases and to identify their risk factors. Countries such as China, India, Japan, and those in the European Union have launched national and regional genome initiatives to advance healthcare, agriculture, and biotechnology. While promoting interdisciplinary collaboration and enabling breakthroughs in healthcare and environmental science, the HGP has also [raised](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/373000508_EXPLORING_THE_BUILDING_BLOCKS_OF_LIFE_THE_HUMAN_GENOME_PROJECT_ITS_IMPACT_IN_TODAYS_WORLD) ethical questions around privacy and genetic discrimination. The ELSI Program was created to handle Ethical, Legal, and Social Implications, anticipating how genetic data would affect medicine and society. Additionally, the exclusion of certain developing countries from the benefits and participation in the project led to debate and suggestions for the project to be more inclusive and equitable. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. The author has used AI tools in copy-editing the article. --- # Dominance, Values and Innovation: Trump's Plan to Win the AI Race > Having issued nine executive orders on AI since assuming office, Donald Trump has redrawn the contours of US AI policy in 2025. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/dominance-values-and-innovation-trump-s-plan-to-win-the-ai-race - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 21 September 2025 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: AI, S&T Policy - Reading time: 4 min · 1010 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/dominance-values-and-innovation-trump-s-plan-to-win-the-ai-race-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Having issued nine executive orders on AI since assuming office, Donald Trump has redrawn the contours of US AI policy in 2025. Naming Biden-era policies as dangerous to US national interest, Trump has sought to deregulate AI for the purposes of encouraging innovation. --- Naming Biden-era policies as dangerous to US national interest, Trump has sought to deregulate AI for the purposes of encouraging innovation. The emphasis is to develop AI which is “consistent with American values and interests” and embed these shared values into emerging global AI governance architectures. AI policy in the United States has taken new and amusing directions since the commencement of Donald J. Trump’s presidency in January 2025. Through a slew of executive orders and congressional interventions, the administration has sought to systematically revamp US approach to AI governance. The administration has concertedly reversed Biden-era AI policies which it sees as eroding US lead in AI. While watering down regulatory oversight on AI development and deployment, the focus has now shifted from risk mitigation to ensuring AI does not absorb dangerous ideologies that propagate engineered social agendas. This re-shifting of gears has fundamentally reframed the values, goals and priorities that guide how America innovates and adopts AI in critical sectors. In broad terms, the Trump administration’s evolving approach to AI governance views loose regulation as pivotal to boosting innovation and “winning the AI race” as Washington’s July 2025 [AI Action Plan](https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/Americas-AI-Action-Plan.pdf) is titled. The United States shall do so through achieving “AI dominance”, much like its space race rhetoric on “space dominance”. This grand plan is to be achieved through interventions both at domestic and international levels. The perception that a lead in AI is fundamentally tied to continued American pre-eminence in international affairs is increasingly evident in the Trump administration’s AI policy. ## Key Priorities: Deregulation, Streamlining and Export Control Streamlining AI governance and strengthening AI infrastructure including energy supply and compute capacity is a central policy pursuit on the domestic front. To avoid regulatory barriers impeding innovation, the administration is seeking to manage a patchwork domestic AI governance regime consisting of various legislations enacted by states. Meanwhile, plugging the loopholes and strengthening the implementation of export controls on advanced AI compute and semiconductor manufacturing sectors constitutes another component of America’s plan to globally lead the AI race. The AI Action Plan calls for creative methods of export control to ensure that US adversaries are denied access to the building blocks of AI. At the same time, the Action Plan stresses the importance of global distribution and diffusion of full US-made AI-technology stack to allies. This is seen as an important means of preventing allies growing dependent on technology owned by strategic rivals. This reflects the American understanding of AI as increasingly critical to national power and security. AI is seen as something its government machinery should at all costs prevent from leaking to a growing clique of adversaries. ## Addressing Risk While mentions of risk seem taboo within the evolving policy parlance, risk framed as a matrix of vulnerabilities is something that US AI strategy is increasingly seeking to address. At the strategic level, the US diplomatic machinery is tasked with reducing any threat to American interests by countering Chinese influence in international technology governance forums, including the United Nations and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The US also seeks a leading role in assessing risks emanating from frontier AI models, particularly in how it can enhance threats from Weapons of Mass Destruction. The Action Plan also cites biosecurity as an area in which threats can multiply and identifies the same as a capability to be invested in. ## Protecting “American Values” AI safety and security is an area the Trump administration is seeking to rigorously address. The passing of the Take It Down Act, which seeks to ban nonconsensual publication of sexual deepfakes online, is one instance in which the bipartisan support for countering AI-enabled abuse was made clear. Meanwhile, federal agencies have also started scrutinizing generative AI chatbots for negative impacts on youngsters’ mental health. Herein, various arms of the US AI governance regime are seeking to address vulnerabilities at the state, community and individual levels. In this regard, values are a central point around which the discourse on AI policy is evolving in the USA. “American values”, is an expression that has become commonplace in AI regulation. Freedom of speech, anti-authoritarianism and prevention of bias as it pertains to propagating (select) ideologies as mainstream, can all be identified as constituting American values. For instance, the executive order on preventing “[Woke AI](https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/Americas-AI-Action-Plan.pdf)”, named Diversity, Equity Inclusivity (DEI) as an ideological agenda which posed “an existential threat to reliable AI”. The emphasis is to [build AI ](https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/ai/ai-american-values/)which is “consistent with American values and interests”. Moreover, the USA plans to counter authoritarian influence through working with allies to embed these shared values into emerging global AI governance architectures. **AI Dominance: To What End?** Set on a path to achieve AI dominance, Trump’s AI policy is unique for how clearly it has communicated the parameters that define its approach to governing AI. Through clearly articulating the ethics and priorities in the AI era, the US government is looking to synergize AI policy at sectoral levels to comprehensively harness AI to project power. However, the dominance rhetoric along with unpredictable measures in the trade arena may very well serve to undermine US interests in the slightly longer run. Already, close US allies in Europe and the Indo-Pacific have been irked with unpredictable policies that defy traditional US foreign policy prescripts. US strategic partners are moving closer towards Russia, China and India who have been propagating a collaborative narrative on leveraging AI to address global challenges and attain equitable development. Meanwhile, domestic constituencies stand disillusioned at how the White House sought to recently [ban states ](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4g8nxrk207o)from legislating on AI. The contours of the policy are essentially evolving in a contested and constantly transitioning geopolitical and cultural context. Its unquestionable impact on the landscape of AI diplomacy and global governance, however, might be key to deciding the impending power transition that the world may witness in this century. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # 50 Years of the European Space Agency: Backing Europe’s Strategic Autonomy in Space > The European Space Agency (ESA) recently celebrated its 50th anniversary. Through half a century of its existence, the agency has significantly expanded Europe’s footprint in outer space. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/50-years-of-the-european-space-agency-backing-europe-s-strategic-autonomy-in-space - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 16 July 2025 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: Space - Reading time: 5 min · 1203 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/50-years-of-the-european-space-agency-backing-europe-s-strategic-autonomy-in-space-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The European Space Agency (ESA) recently celebrated its 50th anniversary. Through half a century of its existence, the agency has significantly expanded Europe’s footprint in outer space. As the flagbearer of European space power, the agency stands as a tall success story in the institutionalization of space science collaboration. --- As the flagbearer of European space power, the agency stands as a tall success story in the institutionalization of space science collaboration. On several counts, the ESA may be regarded as an unconventional space agency. Unlike the NASA, Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) or the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), the ESA is primarily a club. A majority of its [members](https://www.iafastro.org/membership/all-members/european-space-agency-esa.html#:~:text=ESA%20has%2023%20Member%20States,Switzerland%20and%20the%20United%20Kingdom.) are EU member-states, the United Kingdom is a former EU member, while Norway and Switzerland are not. Employing instruments such as the long-term framework agreement with [Canada](https://www.asc-csa.gc.ca/eng/blog/2025/05/30/canada-and-the-european-space-agency-a-cooperation-agreement-that-keeps-on-delivering.asp), it has also been able to demonstrate unique templates for successful and outcome-oriented modes of space collaboration. ## ESA: The Origin Story The ESA came about in the post-World War II context when a majority of Europe’s intellectual capital had been drained either by the United States or the Soviet Union. Weakened on economic and technological counts, European leaders were collectively aware of the fact that no single nation could alone compete in space with the two Cold War superpowers. French physicist Pierre Auger and Italian physicist Edoardo Amaldi proposed the idea to create a European organisation, [similar to](https://www.esa.int/About_Us/50_years_of_ESA/History_of_Europe_in_space) the CERN. The purpose of such an agency would be to focus purely on scientific research. These efforts would ultimately lead to the creation of two agencies in 1962: the European Launch Development Organisation (ELDO) and the European Space Research Organisation (ESRO). While ELDO was tasked with developing a launch capability, ESRO’s focus was on developing robotic spacecraft. Within a decade’s time, ESRO went on to establish itself “as a leader in space exploration”. Meanwhile, ELDO faced several technological and political obstacles, leading to its progressive dismantling. The two entities finally [merged](https://www.esa.int/About_Us/50_years_of_ESA/History_of_Europe_in_space) in 1975 to create the ESA, with ten founding members signing the ESA Convention. Defining its objective as the promotion of peaceful exploration of outer space and technology development, the Convention also entails key diplomatic frameworks to guide cooperation among the ESA members. Its emphasis on information and data exchange among member-states is particularly noteworthy. This provision has essentially created a culture of mutual trust which has been reinforced by interactions, experiences of collaboration and the spirit of scientific pursuit. This culture of collaboration has arguably allowed the agency to emerge alongside NASA as a space science leader. ## The ESA Legacy Over the last five decades, the ESA has emerged as a major tool for Europe to address challenges and pursue multiple strategic objectives. Through cementing perceptions on Europe’s technological prestige, the ESA played a pivotal role in establishing a nascent EU’s credence as a new political entity. The agency effectively facilitated the EU’s access to space by steering the Ariane launch vehicle program to success. Meanwhile, projects such as Galileo evidence successful efforts to leverage access to space and attain autonomous navigation capabilities. Through placing diplomacy at the centre, the ESA has also evolved as a major public goods provider in space, particularly through programmes such as the [COPERNICUS-SENTINEL](https://www.esa.int/Applications/Observing_the_Earth/Copernicus/Introducing_Copernicus). Described as the earth observation (EO) component of the EU’s space program, the COPERNICUS program is implemented by a fleet of SENTINEL satellites. End-users can utilise real-time, all-weather satellite data for services including land management and disaster relief. Data from the programme is made available to users worldwide through the EU’s participation in the Global Earth Observation System of Systems, an international effort to link existing EO programs around the world. The ESA’s legacy herein has become synonymous with the EU’s broader standing in the spacefaring arena. The ESA has also historically been a keen participant in endeavours intended to enhance humanity’s understanding of the cosmos. It has successfully leveraged collaborations with other space agencies to become part of legacy space exploration projects, including the International Space Station. It worked with NASA and the Canadian Space Agency on the Hubble Space Telescope, the observations from which have significantly helped scientists study blackholes and the broader patterns in the expansion of the universe since 1990. The ESA’s technical instruments are also aboard NASA’s James Webb Telescope, which was launched in 2021 to complement the Hubble’s observations. The ESA ventured into the study of comets in the late 1980s while most of the missions launched by the USA and the Soviet Union during the Cold War decades focused on the Moon and/or Earth’s planetary neighbours. ESA’s historic [Giotto mission](https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Space_Science/Giotto_overview), launched in 1986 entered the record books as the first spacecraft to fly-by the Halley’s comet. It would once again perform a wondrous fete in 1992 when the agency “woke it up” to study the Grigg-Skejllerup comet. The [Rosetta mission](https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Space_Science/Rosetta), launched in 2014, became widely acclaimed although it could not land on the Comet 67P/Churyumov-Gerasimenko. The ESA has also successfully executed missions to Mars and to Titan, the moon of the planet Saturn. ## Stumbling through the Blocks As the ESA continues to fly Europe’s flag in space, a combination of instability from within and outside the continent, along with technological disruption, has posed significant constraints on its ambitions. The signs of such constrains taking a toll on the agency were briefly visible in the immediate months following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The EU was effectively left without independent access to space for nearly two years. Having run out of its Ariane-5 launch vehicles by July 2023, the souring of relations with Russia meant that the EU also lost the option of using Russian Soyuz-ST launchers from the ESA’s spaceport in Kourou, French Guyana. The Ariane-6 was still under development and only made its maiden flight in [March 2025](https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/europes-ariane-6-rocket-launched-after-4-years-of-delay-6072074). The scramble to accommodate priority mission launches at the last minute has caused Europe’s space policy to lay renewed impetus on strategic autonomy in space. The ripple effects of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on ESA’s aspirations are also discernible. The latest budget document from the agency reveals that three of its largest contributors – Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom – have substantially trimmed their contributions compared to 2024. The [2025 budget](https://spacenews.com/esa-budget-dips-slightly-in-2025/#:~:text=At%20a%20Jan.,the%20agency%20had%20for%202024.) is “down about 1.4% from the 7.79 billion euros the agency had for 2024”. While this could be driven “by individual policy decisions of these nations or the timing of the missions”, it is also important to note that this cut is occurring amid European nations increasing defense spending. Of further concern to the future of ESA’s deep space exploration missions is the Trump administration’s proposed cuts to the NASA budget. This is expected to affect ESA’s involvement in the Artemis lunar mission and is likely to result in the [cancellation](https://www.space.com/space-exploration/mars-rovers/the-trump-administration-wants-to-cancel-nasas-mars-sample-return-mission-experts-say-thats-a-major-step-back) of the Mars Sample Return mission. However, the agency is already recalibrating its strategy to adapt to the changing environment. Along with measures taken to encourage private space industry, the ESA is looking to diversify partnerships, while not compromising on its goal to promote space exploration to further advances in science and technology. On the other hand, it has also signalled a change in terms of a recent announcement of intent to support members in [security and defence](https://www.euractiv.com/section/defence/opinion/the-brief-europe-launches-into-space-defence/). Such a dramatic turn would additionally bolster the ESA’s legacy as a champion of Europe’s ambitions. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Collaborative Indigenous Satellites: A Means of Growing the Southeast Asian Space Sector? > The Southeast Asian space sector could get a significant boost through developing collaborative indigenous satellites. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/collaborative-indigenous-satellites-a-means-of-growing-the-southeast-asian-space-sector - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Maximilien Berthet - Published: 14 December 2023 (updated 21 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Special Features - Reading time: 7 min · 1515 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/collaborative-indigenous-satellites-a-means-of-growing-the-southeast-asian-space-sector-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Southeast Asia's space programs are among the world’s oldest. Recently, in the last decade, a shift has begun from externally sourced satellites and associated services, towards indigenously developed ones. Could collaborative indigenous satellites unlock new opportunities for the space economy in Southeast Asia? Southeast Asia boasts among the world’s oldest and most established space programs. --- Southeast Asia's space programs are among the world’s oldest. Recently, in the last decade, a shift has begun from externally sourced satellites and associated services, towards indigenously developed ones. Could collaborative indigenous satellites unlock new opportunities for the space economy in Southeast Asia? Southeast Asia boasts among the world’s oldest and most established space programs. Indonesia’s space agency was set up in 1963, only five years after NASA in the United States. Fast forward 60 years to 2023, and among the 11 countries in Southeast Asia – Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam –[ ](https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spacepol.2023.101554)[seven](https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spacepol.2023.101554)[ ](https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spacepol.2023.101554)have produced satellites with the active involvement of local engineers, also called indigenous satellites. Despite this, collaborative satellite development projects remain scarce. It is rare for mission designers, engineers, and satellite operators from multiple Southeast Asian countries to work together to build and launch satellites. Could such collaborations unlock new opportunities for growing the space sector in Southeast Asia and beyond?  In fact, many indigenous Southeast Asian satellites *have* emerged via international collaboration, though usually with advanced space powers from beyond the region. For instance, the UK company Surrey Satellite Technology Limited (SSTL) [assisted Malaysian engineers](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_3)[ ](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_3)to make the country’s earliest indigenous satellite, TiungSAT-1, in the late 1990s. Germany’s Technical University of Berlin [supported the development of Indonesia’s LAPAN-TUBSat](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_2)[ ](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_2)alongside Indonesian engineers in the 2000s. Japan-based Tohoku University and Hokkaido University provided facilities and training to [Myanmar](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_8)[ ](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_8)and [Filippino](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_4)[ ](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_4)engineers for developing their domestic satellites Lawkanat-1 and Diwata-1 in the 2010s. US-based [California Polytechnic State University](https://www.calpoly.edu/news/one-student-and-professor-help-cambodias-quest-launch-its-first-cubesat)[ ](https://www.calpoly.edu/news/one-student-and-professor-help-cambodias-quest-launch-its-first-cubesat)and Japan-based [University of Tokyo](https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/smallsat/2021/all2021/229/)[ ](https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/smallsat/2021/all2021/229/)worked with partners in Cambodia on early-stage satellite design projects at the start of the 2020s.  Based on these examples, two points are clear. On the one hand, levels of satellite development capability and utilisation are very different among countries in the region. Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam have produced satellites domestically. Myanmar has developed an indigenous one overseas. Laos has purchased a “ready-to-fly” one. And Brunei, Cambodia, and Timor-Leste do not have any satellites. On the other hand, several countries have already established increasingly comprehensive space development ecosystems, able to build and operate their own satellites. These countries appear well positioned to take the lead in driving forward the next generation of collaborative indigenous satellite development projects, this time from within the region.  ### ### Scope For More Services Offered By Indigenous Satellites? Despite this, at present, most satellite services in Southeast Asia are still sourced from outside the region. In terms of satellite applications, communications and Earth imaging (also known as remote sensing) have attracted especially strong interest from local governments and companies. These are among the largest segments of the [space economy globally](https://brycetech.com/reports/report-documents/Bryce_2022_Global_Space_Economy.pdf)[,](https://brycetech.com/reports/report-documents/Bryce_2022_Global_Space_Economy.pdf) but also respond to unique features of the region’s geography. Southeast Asia is among the world’s most vulnerable places to natural disasters and comprises tens of thousands of separate islands. Satellites are being used to support regional disaster management through frameworks like the Japan-led [Sentinel Asia](https://sentinel-asia.org/)[.](https://sentinel-asia.org/) It provides near real-time satellite imagery for free on request following a natural disaster, mainly from Japanese satellites, with a focus on the Asia Pacific region. Regarding telecommunications, most Southeast Asian countries use geostationary satellites (orbiting at high altitudes, around 36,000 km above the Earth’s surface) procured or leased from overseas, or simply purchase the services of international ones. The first satellite of Laos, LaoSat-1, is an example of the former. It was contracted to the China Great Wall Industry Corporation (CGWIC) for around [250 million USD](https://www.laosat.la/en/about.php)[,](https://www.laosat.la/en/about.php) and launched in 2015. This highlights one potential disadvantage of relying only on overseas satellites to meet local remote sensing and telecommunications needs: cost. For example, SpaceX’s Starlink satellite internet services have already been rolled out in several dozens of countries around the world. However, the cost of purchasing a terminal and a monthly subscription is beyond the reach of ordinary citizens in many Southeast Asian countries, even though it would help to [bridge connectivity gaps](https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spacepol.2023.101554)[.](https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spacepol.2023.101554) Moreover, satellite imagery for government and commercial applications usually needs to be purchased at a cost, to meet quality and availability requirements. For instance, in 2018 the government of Myanmar is [reported to have spent around 12 million USD](https://web.archive.org/web/20210313021709/https:/www.mmtimes.com/news/myanmars-first-earth-observation-satellite.html)[ ](https://web.archive.org/web/20210313021709/https:/www.mmtimes.com/news/myanmars-first-earth-observation-satellite.html)on satellite imagery across various ministries.  Another consideration is security. Images from bespoke remote sensing satellites can more closely respond to the needs of local governments and industry than off-the-shelf commercial remote sensing data. Indigenous communications satellites may be more desirable than ones operated overseas, for applications touching on national security. Demands for independent national capabilities in satellite-based positioning, navigation, and timing (PNT) have also [witnessed recent growth](https://rntfnd.org/wp-content/uploads/Resilient_PNT_Policy_Report_FINAL_Univ-Tokyo-and-Sydney.pdf)[ ](https://rntfnd.org/wp-content/uploads/Resilient_PNT_Policy_Report_FINAL_Univ-Tokyo-and-Sydney.pdf)around the world. Despite these trends, as [expressed](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_4)[ ](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7326-9_4)by a leading space practitioner in the Philippines, promoting security does not preclude international collaboration: in appropriate frameworks, both are complementary. It is possible for a country to “strive for self-reliance in some areas of space science and technology to ensure its independent access and capabilities, without overlooking the need for cooperation in other areas”. Against this backdrop, indigenous satellites have attracted attention as a promising means of growing the space economy via collaboration from within the region. Space technology development capabilities vary significantly between Southeast Asian countries. [Available funding](https://www.euroconsult-ec.com/press-release/new-record-in-government-space-defense-spendings-driven-by-investments-in-space-security-and-early-warning/)[ ](https://www.euroconsult-ec.com/press-release/new-record-in-government-space-defense-spendings-driven-by-investments-in-space-security-and-early-warning/)for space also remains modest compared to that in overseas counterparts like the EU and the US. In this context, regional collaboration has been [identified](https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/handle/1887/13358)[ ](https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/handle/1887/13358)as a method for pooling resources and sustainably growing local capacity for satellite technology development. Several such initiatives have already been launched.  ### Regional Collaboration For Indigenous Satellites: Current Status One example in academia is [ASEANSAT](https://www.mysa.gov.my/aseansat-test-campaign-18-januari-2023/)[,](https://www.mysa.gov.my/aseansat-test-campaign-18-januari-2023/) a collaborative 1U CubeSat project bringing together team members from three Southeast Asian countries. It is led by Universiti Teknologi MARA in Malaysia, with participation by the University of Perpetual Help System Dalta (UPHSD) in the Philippines, and Pensmith STEM International School in Thailand. The satellite design is based on heritage from an earlier project by Malaysian engineers at the Kyushu Institute of Technology, Japan.[ ](https://catalog.lib.kyushu-u.ac.jp/opac_download_md/4738545/2021keynotespeaker_Mohamad.pdf)[According to](https://catalog.lib.kyushu-u.ac.jp/opac_download_md/4738545/2021keynotespeaker_Mohamad.pdf)[ ](https://catalog.lib.kyushu-u.ac.jp/opac_download_md/4738545/2021keynotespeaker_Mohamad.pdf)Professor Mohamad Huzaimy Jusoh, Principal Investigator of ASEANSAT, in the project, an “International network between universities in ASEAN countries, government agencies as well as international space agency will be established which will drive into the development of Nanosatellite technology in participating ASEAN countries”. The satellite is planned to perform several missions including Earth observation and store-and-forward communications, with a focus on education and technology demonstration. The development of ASEANSAT has also been supported by private and government institutions.  Another example in industry, again led by Malaysia, is the company Angkasa-X. The startup has been [referred to](https://www.angkasax-innovation.com/about.html)[ ](https://www.angkasax-innovation.com/about.html)as the “Space-X of the ASEAN region”. It is working “to provide internet-connectivity to rural areas in Southeast Asia where traditional terrestrial fiber network is limited and therefore improve the standard of living and aims to eradicate poverty for Asian-people living in the rural areas. (…) It aspires to be a unicorn and the number one go-to company for LEO satellite-based Internet services in ASEAN.” Angkasa-X already launched its first satellite in summer 2023, having received significant investment from a Kuala Lumpur based business incubator, and eventually plans to put into orbit a constellation of many satellites called A-SEANLINK. Alongside infrastructure for space, on the ground the company is building a SpaceTech Park in Malaysia as a hub for cross-sectoral and international cooperation in space technology development.  ### Future Perspectives The above projects highlight the start of a slowly growing shift in the Southeast Asian space sector, from externally sourced satellites and associated services, towards indigenously developed ones. One pillar supporting this new space ecosystem is locally built satellite technologies. Although the region’s space programs are among the world’s oldest, services provided by indigenous satellites have only just begun to emerge as a competitive offering in the global space market. One enabler has been regional collaboration, centred around those countries already having developed, launched, and operated their own domestic satellites. At the same time, the future is uncertain. There have been few public updates on the ASEANSAT project since January this year, and limited public information is available on the outcome of Angkasa-X’s first satellite mission, launched in June. It remains to be seen what their impact will be. More broadly, the popularisation of collaborative satellite development in Southeast Asia may hinge on the availability of supporting frameworks for seamless exchanges of space technologies and space-ready human resources between countries, both of which are currently few.  Ultimately, some Southeast Asian nations may decide not to develop indigenous satellites. Downstream space applications like off-the-shelf geospatial data utilisation and ready-to-use communications services may emerge more favourably from cost-benefit analyses than upstream ones like satellite and launcher development. Looking back on the last decade, the story of space in Southeast Asia has been marked by rapid new developments. The next pages of the story are also likely to be dynamic, with new protagonists from within the region setting the tone for chapters to come, including via regional satellite development. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Facial Recognition Policies Get a Face Lift with EU AI Act > Facial recognition systems are widely employed across the world today. The use of facial recognition systems brings real public safety benefits such as apprehending criminals and maintaining law and order. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/facial-recognition-policies-get-a-face-lift-with-eu-ai-act - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Tobias Südhölter - Published: 14 November 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: AI - Reading time: 6 min · 1326 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/facial-recognition-policies-get-a-face-lift-with-eu-ai-act-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Facial recognition systems are widely employed across the world today. The use of facial recognition systems brings real public safety benefits such as apprehending criminals and maintaining law and order. However, their proliferation also raises concerns about fundamental rights and privacy. --- However, their proliferation also raises concerns about fundamental rights and privacy. The EU AI Act has sought to impose strict restrictions on the use of facial recognition in public spaces. Could this be a model for others to emulate? The advent of artificial intelligence (AI) is driving the use of biometric technologies, including facial recognition which are being widely used around the world today. Private and government actors alike have been increasingly employing facial recognition systems for verifying, identifying and categorising individuals. These systems [work](https://www.electronicid.eu/en/blog/post/face-recognition/en) by characterising an individual’s unique facial features and expressions from images and videos to verify their identity. The benefits of facial recognition have made it indispensable for security purposes. Moreover, the market for facial recognition has been slated to hold significant growth potential over the next few decades. In this background, the use of facial recognition technologies and their implications have become a prominent topic of discussion within policy and public spheres. The use of facial recognition systems brings real public safety benefits such as apprehending terrorists and criminals and help maintain law and order. On the other hand, their proliferation, privacy-invading and error-prone nature raise concerns about fundamental rights, such as discrimination against certain segments of the population. Their potential to violate the violation of the right to data protection and privacy also remains a concern. While countries like China, the United States and Australia have widely integrated facial recognition into their law enforcement and national security apparatus, the European Union (EU) appears to be taking a slightly different approach. The European Parliament has [prohibited](https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/06/eu-european-parliament-adopts-ban-on-facial-recognition-but-leaves-migrants-refugees-and-asylum-seekers-at-risk/) the use of “abusive surveillance systems” including facial recognition in public spaces. This article examines the practicality of such a ban, in the context of balancing the risks and benefits of employing facial recognition. **What Are The Advantages?** Facial recognition is promoted as something that will make our lives more convenient at a personal level. Especially in public spaces, the advent of facial recognition has rendered security management rather seamless. In [Osaka](https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20230317/p2a/00m/0bu/006000c), Japan, for instance, four train stations have introduced facial systems that let people through without a ticket or ID by recognising their faces. A transport ministry official said they would "emphasise as an advantage the fact that passengers with large luggage can pass through the lockers by simply showing their faces instead of looking for a ticket." Facial recognition in this way bolsters security. The use of biometrics, including facial scans are said to provide a higher level of assurance and verification in general. This helps reaffirm that a person attempting to access a service or conduct a transaction actually exists. Biometrics advocates point out that passwords, PINs and other personal identification information can be compromised through data breaches to allow fraudsters to access accounts that use traditional authentication methods. In contrast, it is difficult for someone other than yourself to provide your facial scan on the spot. When it comes to law enforcement, supporters of facial recognition argue that it will make it easier for police to track down suspects. **And The Disadvantages?** Facial recognition violates human rights and individual freedoms in more ways than one. First, technology intrusively gains access to some of our most intimate data. Such intimate data without express consent from an individual. An individual has no control over how the data is handled or used afterwards. There also remains a chance that the data may be stored in databases which are not properly secured. The widespread deployment of facial recognition systems may further work towards stifling dissent owing to individuals’ fear of being identified. Such fear may discourage individuals from participating in gatherings or protests which they otherwise would have engaged with. The error-prone nature of facial recognition systems may aggravate gender and racial discrimination and pose dangers to inclusivity in societies. While the technology can better identify white males, it has been noted to have a higher rate of errors with respect to people of colour, particularly women of colour. would make it difficult for racial and gender minorities to access various services. Employment of facial recognition in this context adds yet another barrier to these already marginalised groups. In this way, it may widen the existing inequalities in society. Moreover, facial recognition systems may become a tool of abuse if used in a discriminatory manner. For instance, facial recognition has been disproportionately employed against people of colour in law enforcement systems in countries including the USA and Italy. In Italy, for example, the police facial recognition software database contained 2 million images of Italians, compared to 7 million images of refugees and migrants. So the way this technology is being used is likely to further reinforce the way people from certain groups are already being disproportionately targeted. ## Facial Recognition Regulation in the EU To address such impacts, the EU already has strict rules in place under the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the General Data Protection Regulation, the EU Directive Data protection in law enforcement and the EU legal framework on non-discrimination. These laws also apply to procedures and activities related to facial recognition technologies. However, various stakeholders are questioning the effectiveness of the current EU legal framework in terms of its adequate handling of fundamental rights concerns raised by facial recognition technology. Even if courts try to close gaps in the protection of the to exclude fundamental rights, legal uncertainty and confusion would remain. Against this background, the EU AI Act adopted in June 2023, aims to limit the use of biometric recognition systems, including facial recognition, which could lead to widespread surveillance. In addition to existing legislation, the AI Act [introduces](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/IDAN/2021/698021/EPRS_IDA(2021)698021_EN.pdf) new rules for the use of facial recognition technologies in the EU and to distinguish whether their use constitutes a “high “ or “low” risk. Numerous facial recognition technologies would be classified as high-risk and would be banned or comply with strict requirements. The use of real-time facial recognition systems in public spaces for law enforcement purposes would be prohibited unless member-states decide to authorize their use for important reasons of public security and are authorized by a judicial or administrative authority. Conformity assessments and safety requirements are also to be met for employing facial recognition in public spaces for purposes other than law enforcement. Failing to comply with the same, these systems will be [deemed ineligible](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/IDAN/2021/698021/EPRS_IDA(2021)698021_EN.pdf) “to be placed on the market”. Meanwhile, systems classified as low-risk are only subject to limited transparency requirements. **Can EU Lead The Conversation?** Facial recognition may seem attractive because it can simplify our lives and increase public safety. But it is more likely to prove to be a major inconvenience, making it easier to take away our freedoms and choices and increase inequality and discrimination. It is becoming increasingly popular with governments, so the law needs to catch up and prevent this technology from even being used in most contexts. Taking an approach rooted in risk, voices against facial recognition have become stronger in Europe. While stakeholders, researchers and regulators appear to agree that there is a need for regulation, some critics question the proposed distinction between high and low-risk biometric systems. They warn that the proposed legislation would enable a system of standardization and self-regulation without adequate government oversight. They are calling for a change to the AI Act, including with regard to the flexibility of the member-states in implementing the new regulations. Some strongly support stricter regulations, including a complete ban on such technologies. Looking beyond the EU's borders, there are very few legally binding regulations on facial recognition technologies to date. Policymakers around the world have the opportunity to engage in multilateral and possibly bilateral deliberations about how to establish appropriate controls for the use of facial recognition systems. EU can potentially take up the charge of initiating these conversations. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Small Modular Reactors: The Next Big Thing in Nuclear Energy > Small Modular Reactors could be a golden bullet for the nuclear industry and the climate change movement. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/small-modular-reactors-the-next-big-thing-in-nuclear-energy - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Ishita Maity - Published: 8 November 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Nuclear - Reading time: 5 min · 1111 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/small-modular-reactors-the-next-big-thing-in-nuclear-energy-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The nuclear energy industry has received significant bad press following incidents like Chernobyl, Three Mile Island, and most recently, Fukushima. Strong anti-nuclear energy lobbies have developed across the world from India to Germany to the USA and Japan. --- The nuclear energy industry has received significant bad press following incidents like Chernobyl, Three Mile Island, and most recently, Fukushima. Strong anti-nuclear energy lobbies have developed across the world from India to Germany to the USA and Japan. Small Modular Reactors, which have various potential advantages over traditional reactors, could be a golden bullet for the nuclear industry and simultaneously for the climate change movement. As states, big and small, face up to the challenge of tackling climate change, it is imperative to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt sustainable sources of energy. Nuclear Power presently generates more than 4% of the global primary energy mix and plays an especially significant role in providing baseload electricity to different countries. While the nuclear industry has gone through ebbs and flows, it remains a fact that [nuclear energy could be](https://www.rolls-royce.com/innovation/small-modular-reactors.aspx#section-why-rolls-royce-smr) the most potent and ‘cleanest source’ of energy available today as we try to meet the unorthodox need for energy with the least amount of pollution. The cost, timeframe, waste disposal challenges and most pertinently a misinformed fear of the safety threat posed by nuclear reactors have been the general cause for the downturn in the nuclear industry, particularly post Fukushima 2011. In this case, Small Modular Reactors (SMR) could be the ‘clean energy’ solution that addresses many of the traditional concerns with respect to the nuclear energy industry. SMRs have the potential to provide a number of states, rich and poor, developed and developing, with cost effective as well as scalable power for multiple applications. ## Small Modular Reactors: Benefits and Implications [Small Modular Reactors](https://www.iaea.org/newscenter/news/what-are-small-modular-reactors-smrs) (SMR) are advanced nuclear reactors with a power capacity generally of over 300MW(e) per unit. They are physically smaller in size than a conventional nuclear reactor. They are compact in nature and easy to mass manufacture and assemble in factories. SMRs are far more mobile compared to traditional nuclear reactors and can be transported to any given location for installation. Like traditional reactors, SMRs also harnesses nuclear fission to produce energy. There are numerous types and designs of the SMRs which are being developed across the world.  However, in general, some of the major advantages of SMRs over traditional reactors are: a) Affordable pricing: It is believed that mature SMR technologies would be far more affordable than existing nuclear energy standards thanks to much lower production costs than traditional reactors. b) Compact structure: Given their relatively smaller size and compact structure, SMRs can be placed at sites where building large nuclear plants would not be feasible. Prefabricated units can be manufactured and sent to assemble in the given location. c) Infrastructure: SMRs could be a game changer in areas with weak energy infrastructure. Across the world, rural areas are plagued with limited grid coverage. Setting up large power plants without adequate infrastructure to distribute the generated capacity, or conversely, setting up large plants in areas with limited demand both result in wastage and a lack of efficiency. SMRs on the other hand, could be deployed into an existing grid or remotely off-grid because of their reduced electrical output, providing low-carbon power for industry and the people in places lacking adequate lines of transmission and grid capacity. ## SMR’s across the world Nuclear energy in any form comes under the realm of high technology and as such it is not a surprise that the [R&D into SMRs](https://www.oecd-nea.org/upload/docs/application/pdf/2021-03/7560_smr_report.pdf) are also mostly being undertaken by the world’s leading nuclear powers. The US Department of Energy has invested around USD 217 million in the research of Nuscale’s SMR Projects. Meanwhile, Russia has already launched the Akademik Lomonosov, its floating SMR model, an idea which China is seeking to follow. Elsewhere, three Canadian provinces, Ontario, New Brunswick and Saskatchewan have signed a memorandum for the development of modular reactors. Rolls-Royce in the UK has also been working on the development of modular reactors. In 2016, China initiated a plan for building their own state-funded floating reactors. China has been achieving several breakthroughs with respect to SMRs and is slated to emerge as a leading player in the global market. It has initiated the setting up of Linglong One, which has been [hailed as](https://www.forbes.com/sites/jamesconca/2021/07/27/china-to-build-the-first-small-modular-nuclear-reactor--of-course/?sh=7a0e945d45e0) the world’s first commercial SMR. The core module of this reactor was deployed in August 2023. It has [committed to](https://tech.hindustantimes.com/tech/news/china-makes-world-s-first-small-modular-nuclear-reactor-71643970011206.html) spend around USD 440 billion on building new nuclear power plants including SMRs by 2035. The developing world is increasingly [looking to China](https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202309/1297624.shtml) as a source for small modular reactors which could help them address their energy security challenges and also to diversify their energy structure. African countries like Ghana are interested in SMRs not only for energy production but also since they can be used for desalination of water. China has experience in setting up nuclear installations both at home and abroad. For states in the developing world, the well-structured industrial chain operated by the China National Nuclear Cooperation (providing a one-stop solution from installation to spent fuel management), is highly attractive. ## SMRs: The Future As SMR technologies mature around the world, the demand for such systems is only going to go up. While other renewable sources of energy have their own industry and activists’ lobbies, as well as their own unique advantages and disadvantages, the nuclear energy industry has suffered substantially in the post-Fukushima era. The one significant advantage of nuclear energy over all other renewables is that it is capable of producing all-year, baseload energy generation not dependent on seasons or climatic conditions and intermittent outages. Hence, to actualize the maximum shift away from fossil fuels as a baseload energy generator, nuclear energy is essential. The nuclear energy sector has received significant bad press due to accidents such as Chernobyl and Three Mile Island, or natural disasters mingling with human error in the case of Fukushima. There has been strong anti-nuclear energy lobbying across the world from India to Germany to the USA to Japan which have halted or delayed new projects or required significant government intervention to settle. As opposed to the establishment of large-scale nuclear plants, SMRs can be installed in existing sites itself or tailored to meet the demands of a small city or region as required. To achieve sustainable development goals and quench the thirst for clean energy, SMRs provide a viable alternative. Due to inherent characteristics such as low pressure and power, SMR’s are [safer](https://www.iaea.org/newscenter/news/what-are-small-modular-reactors-smrs#:~:text=In%20comparison%20to%20existing%20reactors,low%20power%20and%20operating%20pressure.) compared to conventional nuclear reactors. In this light, SMRs could be a golden bullet for the nuclear industry and simultaneously for the climate change movement. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Nagorno-Karabakh: Azerbaijan’s Blitz Flares Up Historic Tensions Again > Armenia and Azerbaijan have fought several wars to assert their claims over the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh over the past several decades. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/nagorno-karabakh-azerbaijan-s-blitz-flares-up-historic-tensions-again - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Abhyuday Saraswat - Published: 23 October 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Conflicts - Reading time: 6 min · 1307 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/nagorno-karabakh-azerbaijan-s-blitz-flares-up-historic-tensions-again-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Armenia and Azerbaijan have fought several wars to assert their claims over the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh over the past several decades. After its recapture by Azerbaijan in September 2023, a newly self-declared government has announced that the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh will simply cease to exist by January 2024. --- After its recapture by Azerbaijan in September 2023, a newly self-declared government has announced that the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh will simply cease to exist by January 2024. The dispute over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave has once again emerged as a flashpoint in Armenia-Azerbaijan relations. Tensions commenced after Azerbaijan’s military seized control of Nagorno-Karabakh after a swift military campaign conducted during 19-20 September 2023. Following this rapid onslaught, Azerbaijan [captured](https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/nagorno-karabakh-conflict) the Lachin corridor effectively cutting off Armenia’s access to the region. Faced with the threat of Azerbaijani domination, and fearing for their safety, almost all of Karabakh's 120,000 or so residents have fled to Armenia. ## The Course of Conflict Nagorno-Karabakh is an enclave situated in the Southern Caucasus region. The region has been at the centre of a long-standing territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The [Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO)](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325)was formerly an administrative unit within the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic during the Soviet era. The NKAO was created as per the Soviet Union’s policy of dividing territories along ethnic lines. While Armenians constituted the majority of the population in the region, it was [designated](https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/nagorno-karabakh-conflict) as part of Azerbaijan in 1923. This has historically been a source of tension between the Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Over time, the NKAO became a focal point for Armenian nationalism and aspirations for self-determination. The demand for the unification of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia grew stronger in the late 1980s. Ethnic tensions escalated and both the nations sought to assert their claims over the region. This led to [protests and clashes](https://editor.wix.com/data/Items/.%20https:/www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325) between the Armenian and Azerbaijani communities. In 1988, the predominantly Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh voted to join Armenia, sparking protests and counter-protests among the two communities. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Nagorno-Karabakh proclaimed independence in 1991. The situation worsened in the early-1990s leading to a full-scale war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The conflict resulted in significant casualties and displacement of people from both sides. The NKAO ceased to exist as an administrative entity after the war and the self-proclaimed Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh emerged in its place. In 1994, a ceasefire was brokered by Russia, ending the active phase of the conflict. However, sporadic violence and border skirmishes have [continued](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/12/1/azeri-forces-raise-flag-in-last-district-handed-back-by-armenia) since then, with occasional escalations. ## Conflicting Claims, Historic Value Both Armenia and Azerbaijan claim the territory as their own. Armenia supports the self-determination of the predominantly Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh and recognizes it as an independent Republic. It regards Artsakh (the Armenian term for Nagorno-Karabakh) as crucial for its identity. According to Armenia, Artsakh is the final frontier of their Christian civilisation and a historic shelter for Armenian rulers and bishops prior to the beginning of the eastern Turkic world. Armenia has a population of about three million people, and practically every family [has lost someone](https://neweasterneurope.eu/2020/04/14/why-nagorno-karabakh-matters/) during the Nagorno-Karabakh battles. During the 1992-1994 conflict, Armenia lost about 10,000 troops. It lost nearly 100 soldiers during the four-day war in April 2016, the majority of whom were born after 1994. However, Armenians attach great value to Artsakh. Meanwhile, the territory assumes special importance in Azerbaijani collective memory as well. It is known as the cradle of Azerbaijani identity, the hub of Azerbaijani culture, and the residence of numerous Azerbaijani artists and musicians. The loss of Nagorno-Karabakh was seen as the loss of a significant portion of its national identity. According to Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev "the creation of the Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous region by Russian communists was a result of Armenians' strong ties with Moscow and the continuation of its old imperial politics of ['divide and rule'](https://neweasterneurope.eu/2020/04/14/why-nagorno-karabakh-matters/)." ## Lachin Corridor: At the Centre of the Flashpoint The [Lachin corridor](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/sep/10/nagorno-karabakh-routes-reopen-in-lachin-corridor-deal-say-azeri-and-armenian-sides) or Lachin road, is a strategic land route that connects Armenia to the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh. The Lachin corridor is closely intertwined with the broader Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, reflecting the complexities and challenges involved in resolving the dispute. The corridor runs through the Lachin district of Azerbaijan and is the primary supply route to the landlocked region. Nagorno-Karabakh relies heavily on the Lachin corridor for transportation of essential goods, humanitarian aid and communication. The Lachin corridor also holds significance for strategic and security reasons. Control over the corridor allows for the movement of military personnel, equipment and supplies between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. It also provides a defensive advantage for the Armenian forces in securing their positions in Nagorno-Karabakh. The Lachin corridor has been a subject of contention and military operations throughout the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Its control has shifted between the conflicting parties, with the corridor being under the control of Armenian forces since the 1994 ceasefire agreement. The recent 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war brought renewed focus on the Lachin corridor, as its status and control became a crucial point of negotiation between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The ceasefire agreement signed in November 2020 included provisions for the establishment of a transport corridor connecting Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhichevan through the Lachin district, ensuring the reopening of the corridor under Azerbaijani control. ## External Interventions Complicate Regional Geopolitics Russia, which has a military station in Armenia, has long been the country's security guarantor, particularly in handling tensions over Nagorno-Karabakh. However, when Azerbaijan started its onslaught on the mountainous separatist area in September 2023, Moscow made it plain that its forces would not intervene. As a result of its war against Ukraine, Russia's status as a source of security in its near-abroad has been seriously weakened. Moreover, the Kremlin is said to have been angered by the Armenian Parliament [agreeing](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/03/armenias-parliament-defies-russia-in-vote-to-join-international-criminal-court) to join the International Criminal Court. This would require Armenia to arrest Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, if he visits the country. However, Armenia's prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, has attempted to reassure Russia that his nation is just addressing what it claims are Azerbaijan's war crimes in the country's long-running dispute with its neighbour, and the decision is not aimed at Moscow. [Israel](https://apnews.com/article/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-weapons-israel-6814437bcd744acc1c4df0409a74406c) has covertly aided Azerbaijan's attempt to retake Nagorno-Karabakh, equipping Azerbaijan with lethal weapons prior to its rapid onslaught last month that reclaimed control of the ethnic Armenian enclave. Israel is interested in maintaining a military presence in Azerbaijan and utilizing its territory to monitor Iran. Israel has a significant investment in Azerbaijan, which is an important supplier of oil and a loyal ally against Israel's arch-enemy Iran. It is also a valuable client for advanced weapons. Meanwhile, France, Russia and the United States have made efforts to resolve the conflict since the early-1990s through the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group. However, a lasting solution has remained elusive due to the complex nature of the conflict and the deep-rooted grievances of both sides. ## Way Forward Attaining a cease-fire and a lasting resolution to the conflict is a difficult task that involves multiple stakeholders as the situation is complex and constantly evolving. To achieve a cease-fire, or to open a humanitarian corridor, it is crucial for all parties involved to express a genuine commitment to dialogue and peaceful negotiations. A key step towards a cease-fire is a mutual agreement by both Armenia and Azerbaijan to halt military operations and engage in negotiations. With the Azeri forces dominating the playing field, this looks difficult. International mediation efforts, such as those led by the OSCE Minsk Group, are essential in facilitating dialogue and finding a diplomatic solution. Long-term peace and stability in the region require addressing the root causes of the conflict, including territorial disputes, political grievances and historical tensions. A comprehensive approach that prioritizes diplomatic negotiations, confidence-building measures and respect for the rights and self-determination of affected populations is necessary. Resolving conflicts of this nature and magnitude is a complex and sensitive process, which often requires a multi-faceted approach involving political, diplomatic, and humanitarian efforts. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Technology the New Fuel of GCC Growth > With investments in high technology and STEM education, GCC looks to reduce oil dependence. The Gulf Cooperation Council also wants to generate employment opportunities for upcoming generations. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/technology-the-new-fuel-of-gcc-growth - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Noiranjana Kashyap - Published: 15 October 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: S&T Policy, AI, Space - Reading time: 7 min · 1524 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/technology-the-new-fuel-of-gcc-growth-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The Gulf Cooperation Council has been synonymous with the world oil markets for decades. However, in recent years, there has been a concerted effort by the states in the grouping to diversify their economies and reduce dependency on oil. Investments in high technology and STEM education has quickly developed as a major marker of this shift. --- The Gulf Cooperation Council has been synonymous with the world oil markets for decades. However, in recent years, there has been a concerted effort by the states in the grouping to diversify their economies and reduce dependency on oil. Investments in high technology and STEM education has quickly developed as a major marker of this shift. The countries of West Asia have historically cultivated scientific temper and are responsible for making significant advances in fields like mathematics, astronomy, medicine, pharmacology, optics, chemistry and physics. Much of this knowledge was [transmitted](https://www.e-ir.info/2019/05/23/science-technology-and-security-in-the-middle-east/) to the Europeans, helping them emerge from the Dark Ages into the Renaissance. However, throughout the medieval and modern periods, technological developments in Europe that spurred the industrial revolution helped countries like Portugal, Denmark, France, and the UK to dominate the Arab world, since no existing Arab technologies could compete with such innovations. However, [decolonization and the discovery of oil](https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/An-evaluation-of-the-current-rules-and-regulatory-%3A-Alshowish/095352c2231cbe5d580519a5f63d04a44a2fd83f) in the Gulf monarchies gave them a chance to become global actors and geopolitical mavericks not just in West Asia but across the globe. The nationalization of oil fields by state governments in the 1970s transformed these states into extremely influential, wealthy and geopolitically powerful entities. Yet, these hydrocarbon resources, namely oil and gas, are non-renewable, and the chances of them running out are inevitable in the long run. Accompanied by a decreasing global demand for oil, this has led these countries to experiment with alternative, renewable sources of energy. Secondly, the need to generate employment opportunities for the upcoming generations has forced the governments of the Gulf countries to consider shifting their focus to more non-oil sectors, chiefly on entrepreneurial and technological dimensions that could help produce a skilled workforce. Thirdly, climate change is also encouraging this transition from hydrocarbons to green energy technologies. With the developed world focused on finding alternatives to hydrocarbons, the Gulf states have little option than to develop non-oil sector economies and greener technologies for maintaining their revenue stream. Fourthly, the hunt for security in a ‘shatterbelt’ region and the relevance of science and technology to ensure national defence has seen states like the UAE aiming to become militarily self-sufficient to protect themselves during conflicts and reduce dependency. Due to these reasons, the Gulf countries are now [diversifying their efforts](https://www.e-ir.info/2019/05/23/science-technology-and-security-in-the-middle-east/) to bring about rapid development in non-oil sectors, chiefly in the technology sector. With the private sector starting to play a significant role in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, its business leaders have realised digitalisation as a way to make their internal operations and decision-making more efficient and turn it into a potential driver of revenue growth. The Information and Communications Technology (ICT) sector, which incorporates some of the most advanced technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI), Internet of Things (IoT), 5G, Big data etc., form the top of the list in this regard. ## Growing ICT Base Artificial Intelligence (AI) is at the top of the ICT sector. In addition to powering the Gulf tech companies' search and recommendation engines, AI is used to efficiently manage vast estates of IT infrastructure provided to cloud-computing customers. AI is also used as a tool for a whole range of analytic applications such as fraud detection, voice detection, and cybersecurity. Some examples of AI tech employed in Gulf countries include, in the UAE, Searchie offers talent acquisition software that uses AI to screen and shortlist candidates based on video interviews. Searchie had become especially significant during the pandemic. In [Bahrain](https://impact.economist.com/perspectives/sites/default/files/eiu_bahrain_edb_report.pdf), platforms such as Dalooni integrates AI into consumer goods and retail services to streamline customer journeys and personalize their experiences, predict demand for specific products, increase the efficiency of delivery mechanisms, etc. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia has even invested over $135 billion in AI in recent years. [Estimates](https://impact.economist.com/perspectives/sites/default/files/eiu_bahrain_edb_report.pdf) indicate that that the GCC states together could save around $7 billion per year by automating routine tasks with AI machine learning, especially in the government sector. The [Internet of Things (IoT)](https://www.simplilearn.com/technology-trends-in-gcc-countries-article) is another ICT frontrunner in advanced technologies. It offers companies the platform to collect data streaming from their devices and machines and analyze that data to turn it into actionable business. The Saudi-based Averos is a company that offers indoor positioning and tracking services using IoT-connected devices. These devices have been integrated into Riyadh's airport app to help passengers locate their gates. IoT tech has also been incorporated in hospitals of several Gulf states, mainly UAE, to track expensive machinery and equipment and for screening containers and trucks in Bahrain. It is also used extensively in the media and entertainment sector, especially for smart TVs, gaming consoles, etc., that provide insights into customer behaviours. [Data and Analytics](https://www.simplilearn.com/technology-trends-in-gcc-countries-article) has also attracted massive investments. with a considerable push to leverage the technology in retail and e-commerce. Large companies in the GCC states draw from data generated from IoT-connected devices, payment systems and AR to optimize product positioning and consumer experience. These insights are employed to track customer behaviour, monitor website traffic, forecast demand and adjust prices. 5G mobile networks are another frontier technology that the GCC states, particularly Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, and Qatar, have been investing heavily in recent years. This next-gen wireless network promises faster browsing speeds, reduced network latency and the capacity to connect multiple devices without performance degradation. The main aim has been to utilise the technology to boost the gaming industry, healthcare and automotive industries, along with building innovative and connected cities. ## Defence, Space and Green Energy: Emerging Focus Areas Countries like Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, and Qatar have also re-focused their attention on developing their Defense Technology Industrial Base and bbreak their historic dependence on Western allies for defence procurement. The UAE has been paving the way for developing indigenous military technologies over the last few years, including autonomous robots like drones. The GCC states of UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman, and Bahrain have also started developing their space programs over the last decade with the help of countries like the US, Japan, etc. They seek to acquire the capability to launch commercial satellites. These states are among the 14 member-states of the Arab Space Cooperation Group which seeks to coordinate spacefaring activities in the region. Meanwhile, the UAE has announced plans to set up a human settlement in Mars by 2117. These states have also been focusing on collaboration with states like India for Maritime Domain Awareness in the Indian Ocean Region. Saudi Arabia and UAE are also shifting their attention towards embracing and developing green technologies to fight the growing challenge of climate change. A majority of the region's states have committed to net zero targets or at least cutting emissions by considerable percentages by 2060. They have been focusing on the development of solar energy, wind energy, and hydropower as renewable alternatives. Research in green hydrogen fuel, clean carbon technologies and the creation of zero-carbon cities is receiving impetus in the UAE and Saudi Arabia. ## Reducing Dependency on West: Reshaping Tech Education However, the GCC countries still depend on Western states for technology transfer as they have historically been importers rather than innovators of new technology. The need of the hour entails heavy investments in reconfiguring existing educational systems to make them more science and research oriented. This could help develop a skilled, indigenous workforce that could ultimately shape the countries' indigenous knowledge-based economies while simultaneously creating more jobs and usher in economic growth. For instance, the UAE has established the Dubai International Academic City, the world's largest Free Zone dedicated to Higher education, to develop the region's talent pool and establish UAE's knowledge-based economy by 2102. The Qatar Foundation established the Education City in 1997 to support and operate programs in education, science and research, and community development. [Saudi Arabia's](https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/15/10/8420) BADIR Programme for Technology Incubators has been a major achievement as it focuses on supporting jobs based on technical developments and technical projects, namely for ICT, Biotechnology, and Advanced Production Technology. Another breakthrough has been the establishment of the King Abdullah City for Science and Technology (KACST), which performs functions such as drafting science and technology policies, data collection, foreign research funding, etc. Oman has also undertaken programmes to encourage scientific education amongst its people. The country supports technological research and innovations through programmes like Oasis of Innovation and the Academic Innovation Assistance programme. In Kuwait, the Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences established a program that offers Kuwaiti private companies an opportunity to develop their innovation capabilities with the help of experts from Cambridge University's Judge Business School. In Bahrain, the Bahrain Development Bank and E-Government Authority have jointly developed a program for facilitating the growth of the ICT sector in the country. Thus, GCC countries have significantly evolved over the years from dependency on hydrocarbons to embracing technological advancements to bring about rapid economic growth. This trend will only continue to grow unless these countries fall back into their comfort zone, i.e., oil, which, considering the energy demands created by the Russia-Ukraine conflict, seems more plausible than ever. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Global Governance in Transition: Towards a Multipolar Governance > UN system is no longer sufficient for mankind's problems. Alternative models of global governance are required reflecting 21st C realities. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/global-governance-in-transition-towards-a-multipolar-governance - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Herve Azoulay - Published: 10 October 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Special Features - Reading time: 7 min · 1641 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/global-governance-in-transition-towards-a-multipolar-governance-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The United Nation's global regulatory system is no longer commensurate with the challenges of humanity. UN institutions no longer convince because the scope of their interventions lacks efficiency and coordination. Meanwhile, the rapidity of technological advancements has often surpassed the capability of existing global governance mechanisms to keep pace. --- The United Nation's global regulatory system is no longer commensurate with the challenges of humanity. UN institutions no longer convince because the scope of their interventions lacks efficiency and coordination. Meanwhile, the rapidity of technological advancements has often surpassed the capability of existing global governance mechanisms to keep pace. Hence, it is crucial to adjust existing governance mechanisms and ensure they are up to the challenges of our time. In my latest book, [Global Governance in Transition: Towards Multipolar Cooperation](https://www.amazon.com/dp/6206766705), I challenge the hegemony of Western globalism in an attempt to start a fresh conversation on alternative models of global governance. ## The reasons for this transition: the lack of effective organizations After World War II, delegations from the victorious allied countries came together to establish new institutions to replace the failing League of Nations and prevent the economic crisis that marked the interwar period. From these negotiations, most of which took place in the United States, emerged the multilateral institutions that would shape economic and political relations: the United Nations (UN), with its Security Council. The UN has become a compass pointing south and an uncontrollable nebula. This aging institution comprises 193 states and sometimes passes resolutions that are downright aberrant. Today, we know perfectly well that the challenges we face are substantial and that the current organization of the UN, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Health Organisation (WHO), and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) will not be able to address them. The UN is an international organization that brings together most of the world's countries and aims to promote international cooperation, peace, security, and sustainable development. However, these bodies are forums for deliberation and decision-making where member states participate and act according to their national interests. Therefore, the UN is fundamentally an intergovernmental organization and does not possess the characteristics of a world government with supranational executive or legislative powers. While it plays a significant role in global affairs, it is generally considered that the UN does not constitute a complete global governance. UN institutions no longer convince because the scope of their interventions lacks efficiency and coordination. The Syrian crisis serves as a reminder of this, as does the failure of recent climate conferences. These institutions are asked to perform functions that are beyond their mandate. They were created at a time when the focus was on promoting growth and prosperity through increased trade, in other words, ensuring peace through economic interdependence. Believing in the UN's responsibility for peace and justice is a farce because among the numerous human rights committees are Venezuela, Pakistan, Iran... even the executive committee includes the Islamic Republic of Iran, in charge of gender equality! Almost every year and systematically, Israel has been the most condemned country by the UN, despite the wars in Syria, Yemen, and Sudan. Inequality is evident in the differential treatment based on a country's power status; it's grotesque, but that's how it is, and once again, the UN loses credibility. The current imbalanced modes of regulation, favouring the most powerful actors, do not confer real legitimacy to this governance. That's why the rules will have to be changed. None of this is surprising because, in general, all large bureaucratic and pyramidal organizations are like this: incompetent, corruptive, cumbersome, and inefficient. ## The UN and its Satellites: A Heavy Bureaucracy Civil wars persist in lawless regions such as Central and Eastern Africa and the Middle East. While the number of traditional conflicts between states has significantly decreased in recent years, current conflicts remain violent and increasingly impact civilian populations and the most vulnerable regions. These areas remain deeply entrenched in perpetual crises, hindered by authoritarian regimes leading their populations into miserable conditions. The wars and conflicts we face have diverse causes: economic inequalities, social conflicts, religious sectarianism, territorial disputes, control over fundamental resources such as water and natural resources. In all cases, they illustrate a profound crisis within the UN and its satellites, including the IMF, the World Bank, and the WHO. When a war breaks out somewhere in the world, the UN tries to end it, primarily through discussion. However, often this leads to failure, and the UN may decide to prohibit any relationship with the aggressor country (this is an embargo) or authorize military intervention. It can also deploy soldiers, known as Blue Helmets, to enforce a ceasefire. Our elders had learned from the failure of the League of Nations to establish the UN. The United Nations system and its economic pillars lasted three-quarters of a century, and it is evident that it reflects a world that is now outdated. The UN's global regulatory system is no longer commensurate with the challenges of humanity, and the gap is widening day by day between the peoples of the world. Despite the severity of the situation, and despite international conferences and speeches, no effective regulatory mechanism, up to the challenges and stakes, has emerged. ## The Progress of Science: A Revolution Among Nations And yet, the lightning-fast progress of science and technology since the 1990s has undeniably played a crucial role in the evolution and orientation of the governance of multinational corporations, and to a much lesser extent, in global institutions. These technological advances have created a constantly evolving global landscape, presenting unique challenges and opportunities that profoundly influence how we manage our societies and affairs on a global scale. The impact of these technological advancements is vast and multifaceted. On one hand, they have facilitated communication and cooperation among nations, creating opportunities for more efficient cross-border collaboration. On the other hand, they have raised crucial questions regarding privacy, security, ethics, and fairness, necessitating continuous review and adaptation of governance structures. However, the rapidity of technological advancements has often surpassed the capability of existing global governance mechanisms to keep pace. These mechanisms are often characterized by slow bureaucratic processes, diverging national interests, and reluctances to modify established structures. Information and communication technologies, for instance, have given rise to challenges such as widespread misinformation, cyberattacks, and public opinion polarization. These challenges transcend national borders and require coordinated global responses. However, the establishment of effective global regulations and standards proves difficult due to ideological, political, and economic differences among nations. It is therefore imperative for global governance mechanisms to evolve and adapt to meet the needs of our rapidly changing technological era. This includes a revision of standards and regulations, enhancing international cooperation, and increasing transparency. Moreover, it is essential to encourage active participation of stakeholders, including civil society, the private sector, and non-governmental organizations, in decision-making and the implementation of global policies. Hence, it is crucial to adjust existing governance mechanisms, promote increased international cooperation, and ensure that global governance structures are up to the challenges of our time. ## A New Global Governance: A New Book Addressing This Change ![Global Governance in Transition: Towards a Multipolar Governance](https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/d753ec_c1ccdf818ac645bc813f6e686e6a1e12-6.jpg) In a constantly changing world, where political, economic, and social upheavals occur at a frenetic pace, the quest for fair and peaceful global governance becomes a major concern. In this new book, [*Global Governance in Transition: Towards Multipolar Cooperation*](https://www.amazon.com/dp/6206766705), we embark on an intellectual journey to explore the crucial issues arising from the current polarization of Western democracies. For decades, the West positioned itself as the main driver of globalization, proudly upholding the banner of democratic values and human rights. However, over time, this apparent unity gradually eroded, giving way to profound ideological divergences within Western societies. The rise of nationalism, individualism, and identity fractures increasingly threatened this unified worldview. In the early chapters of this book, we meticulously examine the forces that led to the fragmentation of the globalist West and the emergence of opposing currents, such as the anti-globalist West and the identity-focused West. We analyse the tensions and challenges that ensue, highlighting their impact on stability and cohesion at both the national and international levels. Furthermore, we delve into major international institutions such as the UN, the IMF, and the World Bank, created in the aftermath of World War II by the West, with the ambition of forging unified global governance. However, despite their noble goals, we study the reasons for their relative ineffectiveness and how they have sometimes been perceived as tools of domination rather than cooperation. In the interest of fairness, we explore the advantages and disadvantages of the Western model in terms of democracy and human rights. We acknowledge the considerable progress made by Western democracies in terms of freedom and advancement, but we also address their limits and imperfections, which have garnered criticism and questioning worldwide. Faced with these complex developments, we take a comparative approach by examining the Chinese model, an emerging alternative to Western globalization. We delve into its unique political organization and ancient culture, which have contributed to China's rise on the world stage, offering a new paradigm for global governance. As a response to Western hegemony, we study the formation of the BRICS, an alliance of emerging countries including China, India, and other nations. These emerging powers have come together to challenge the established world order, emphasizing the need for enhanced collaboration among nations to create a more equitable and harmonious world. Finally, we propose a bold and innovative vision of a global governance of nations. Through geopolitics and systems thinking, we divide the world into five geographic zones, thus decentralizing power. Each zone will have a major power representing it and participating in the overall management of international affairs. A central, lightweight, and functional network will harmoniously coordinate these zones while respecting their autonomy and diversity. This work aspires to open new perspectives for a fairer and more peaceful world by challenging the hegemony of Western globalism and exploring alternative models of global governance. It is an invitation to deep reflection on current challenges and the search for creative solutions to shape a future where universal values of cooperation and mutual respect will guide our collective actions. --- # F-35 Ejects Pilot, Flies Solo: Advanced Stealth Fighter Again Under Scrutiny > An F-35 jet flew over US territory in a zombie mode for several hours in September 2023 after the pilot ejected following a malfunction. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/f-35-ejects-pilot-flies-solo-advanced-stealth-fighter-again-under-scrutiny - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Abhyuday Saraswat - Published: 4 October 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Military - Reading time: 5 min · 1160 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/f-35-ejects-pilot-flies-solo-advanced-stealth-fighter-again-under-scrutiny-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** An F-35 jet flew over US territory in a zombie mode for several hours in September 2023 after the pilot ejected following a malfunction. The jet, known for its advanced stealth capabilities, gave the US military a real test before it could be located and its debris recovered. --- The jet, known for its advanced stealth capabilities, gave the US military a real test before it could be located and its debris recovered. A series of crashes in recent times point to the larger flaws within the F-35 program. The Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II is perhaps best known for its stealth capabilities. Hailed as one of the fighter jet’s standout attributes, stealth often works in the U.S. military’s favour, that is until one of the planes gets lost. A hair-raising incident that occurred in September 2023 saw the 100-million-dollar warplane flying pilotless for about 100 kilometres before crashing. The Marine Corps discovered the wreckage at the Williamsburg County, South Carolina (SC), following a lengthy search. The fiasco ensued after a malfunction on the single-seat F-35B fighter plane forced the Marine Corps pilot to eject to his safety and parachute down over North Charleston, SC. The F-35 series of jets have been reported to have suffered at least six mishaps in recent times. The recent incident has prompted observers to question the aircraft’s purportedly advanced capabilities. Meanwhile, several politicians have sought a rationalisation for trillions of dollars of taxpayer’s money spent on the F-35’s development. ## F-35 Series of Fighter Jets: A Primer The Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II, is the latest fifth-generation fighter aircraft operated by the U.S. military for the past 17 years. The F-35A is operated by the U.S. Air Force (USAF) and intended as a replacement for the ageing fleet of F-16 Fighting Falcon and the A-10 Thunderbolt. The F-35B variant is operated by the U.S. Navy Marine Corps. The F-35C, which recently crashed in SC was inducted into the U.S. Navy in 2019 and has been tailor-made for operating on its aircraft carriers. The F-35 series is widely termed as the most advanced fighter jet in the world. The F-35 jets are equipped with formidable stealth and electronic warfare capabilities. The USAF for instance [claims](https://www.af.mil/About-Us/Fact-Sheets/Display/Article/478441/f-35a-lightning-ii/) that the F-35A sensor suite can collect, fuse, and distribute more information than any fighter in history. Its sensor fusion capacity allows operators to gain a complete picture of the threat environment and make effective decisions. This gives the operators an edge over their opponents. The U.S. military expects the F-35 to serve as a vital instrument in future wars including irregular warfare and joint and coalition operations. The F-35 symbolises a new form of [international collaboration](https://www.af.mil/About-Us/Fact-Sheets/Display/Article/478441/f-35a-lightning-ii/) with nine nations taking part in its development (the U.S., the United Kingdom, Italy, the Netherlands, Turkey, Canada, Denmark, Norway, and Australia). The F-35 also brings together critical multinational relationships, lowering costs by minimising duplication in research and development and offering global access to technologies. In this vein, the F-35 will use a range of U.S. and ally armaments. **Who Owns the F-35?** The**** F-35 already has a significant number of takers in the international defence market. Many European states are particularly keen to upgrade their stealth fighter capabilities in the backdrop of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. **Romania** is set to [purchase](https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/romania-plans-start-purchase-plan-f-35-fighter-planes-this-year-report-2023-09-26/) 32 latest-generation F-35 fighters from Lockheed Martin for USD 6.5 billion. **Germany** will purchase 35 F-35 fighters to replace its aging Tornado fleet, [marking](https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/germany-decides-principle-buy-f-35-fighter-jet-government-source-2022-03-14/) the first major defence contract since Chancellor Olaf Scholz committed a 100-billion-Euro military upgrade in reaction to the Russia-Ukraine war. Meanwhile, the **Czech Republic** has also [inked](https://breakingdefense.com/2023/06/state-approves-5-6-billion-f-35-sale-to-czech-republic/) a USD 5.6 billion deal for purchasing 24 F-35 Joint Strike Fighters, as well as a slew of weaponry, spares, and equipment. Among other prominent U.S. partners, Canada and Israel have already moved on procuring F-35s for their militaries. **Canada** concluded a contract to purchase 88 F-35 fighter jets in an USD 14.2 billion programme to replace its outdated fighter fleet. This [marks](https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/canada-finalizes-deal-lockheeds-f-35-fighter-jets-c19-bln-project-2023-01-09/) the most significant expenditure in the Royal Canadian Air Force in 30 years. Meanwhile, **Israel** was [the first country](https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/israel-officially-starts-process-to-purchase-25-f-35-stealth-aircraft/2982371#:~:text=Israel%20was%20the%20first%20country,aid%20between%202017%20and%202028.) outside of the U.S. to acquire the F-35. [According to its air force chief](https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/israel-to-buy-25-more-f-35-stealth-jets-in-3-billion-deal/article67034874.ece#:~:text=the%20United%20States.-,Israel%20was%20the%20first%20country%20outside%20the%20United%20States%20to,%E2%80%9CAdir%E2%80%9D%20(Mighty).), Israel was the first to operate the jet in combat in May 2018. On top of being a customer for the fighters, Israel also has an agreement with Lockheed Martin and engine producer Pratt & Whitney to collaborate on the production of airplane components with Israeli firms. Israel has announced a USD 3 billion contract to purchase a third squadron of these fighter planes, which will boost the total number of F-35s in Israel’s air force to 75. **Program Flaws Causing a Series of Crashes?** It is not the first time that an F-35 jet has [crashed or been affected by a mishap](https://www.f-16.net/aircraft-database/F-35/mishaps-and-accidents/). The first crash of an F-35 jet is reported to have occurred in 2018 in SC. The F-35B which crashed during a training exercise is estimated to have cost the Pentagon at least 100 million USD. In a following instance in 2021, an F-35 that took off the UK’s HMS Queen Elizabeth aircraft carrier fell into the Mediterranean Sea. Three crashes occurred in the year 2022, with two of them occurring in January 2022. Following the malfunctioning of landing gear on a jet operated by a South Korean pilot, an F-35A had to make an emergency [belly-landing](https://edition.cnn.com/2022/01/05/asia/south-korea-f-35-fighter-jet-belly-landing-intl-hnk-ml/index.html) at a nearby airbase. Seven personnel were injured when an F-35C crash-landed into the deck of US aircraft carrier, deployed at South China Sea. Meanwhile, an F-35B crashed in Texas in December 2022 after the pilot ejected owing to a malfunction. A number of flaws in the programme were pointed out recently by the [U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO)](https://breakingdefense.com/2023/09/only-55-percent-of-f-35s-mission-capable-putting-depot-work-in-spotlight-gao/). The report highlighted various factors that negatively affect the jet’s mission capability (MC) rates, including a shortage of storage capacity, issues with access to technical data, availability of components, and over-reliance on contractors for maintenance. MC here pertains to when an aircraft can fulfil one of its functions. The GAO calculated the average MC rate for the F-35 to be 55%, which stands considerably lower than the F-35A’s target of 90% and the B and C variants’ targets of 85%. Shortage of storage depot capacity alone accounts to around 10% reduction in the MC rate. The situation essentially forces the Pentagon to send at least 73% of the F-35 components back to the industry for repair and maintenance. Meanwhile, the pace of maintenance of hardware and software is also slowed down because the Department of Defense does not have assured access to technical data. A relook at the program and its priorities may be prompted in light of the string of mishaps in recent years and the identification of flaws. The Pentagon as well as the F-35 contractors may look at the costly crash as an opportunity to learn and work towards improving the jet’s capabilities. It is imperative for such learnings to be incorporated in existing and future F-35s for the jet to live up to the U.S. military’s grand expectations. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Road to Climate Neutrality: EU Leadership Needs to Manage Expectations, Build Consensus > The EU’s ambitious climate policy has been widely criticised. While the civil society feels the governments are not doing enough, member-states such as Poland are completely opposed to climate directives from Brussels. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/road-to-climate-neutrality-eu-leadership-needs-to-manage-expectations-build-consensus - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Tobias Südhölter - Published: 30 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: S&T Policy, Clean Energy - Reading time: 5 min · 1164 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/road-to-climate-neutrality-eu-leadership-needs-to-manage-expectations-build-consensus-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The EU’s ambitious climate policy has been widely criticised. While the civil society feels the governments are not doing enough, member-states such as Poland are completely opposed to climate directives from Brussels. This has led to a multiplicity of lawsuits before the European courts in recent times. --- This has led to a multiplicity of lawsuits before the European courts in recent times. The European Union (EU) has proudly championed global efforts to address climate change, presenting itself as a world climate leader. While advocating for stricter measures and targets at the international level, the EU’s domestic climate policy has sought to lead by example. EU climate policy has called for implementing massive-scale lifestyle and energy transitions that are required to manage the effects of global warming. The EU’s Climate Protection Act, introduced in 2021 to guide its member-states’ compliance with the 2015 Paris Climate Accords, sets an ambitious target to cut net greenhouse gas emissions to 55 percent below 1990 levels by 2030. However, the EU’s efforts to achieve climate neutrality have been subjected to widespread criticism. On one end is an active civil society, which views climate change as a generational catastrophe and criticizes their governments for not doing enough. On the other spectrum are member-states like Poland, whose governments see the law as an imposition and one that would stunt their economic growth. EU governments’ commitment to meet climate goals have further been weakened by the onset of an energy crisis following the Russia-Ukraine war. These aggrieved parties have been active in approaching the European Court of Justice (ECJ) as well as the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) to hold accountable those whom they believe are responsible. This has led to a multiplicity of lawsuits reflecting a general trend of dissatisfaction or resistance against the EU’s ambitious project to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. The article analyses this larger trend. ## The Fit for 55 Package and the EU Emissions Trading System [Fit for 55](https://commission.europa.eu/strategy-and-policy/priorities-2019-2024/european-green-deal/delivering-european-green-deal/fit-55-delivering-proposals_en#:~:text=Under%20the%20European%20Climate%20Law,cost%2Deffective%20and%20competitive%20way.) is a package of reformed and new directives and regulations from the European Commission on the EU’s climate policy. Launched on July 14, 2021, the package intends to “make all sectors of the EU’s economy fit to meet” this target laid down under the Climate Protection Act. The package envisages a triad of stricter climate targets, market-oriented measures and regulatory requirements. It seeks to tighten the EU’s existing climate protection measures while introducing new ones. One of the main mechanisms used by the EU to meet its targets is the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS). An emissions trading system works on a cap-and-trade principle. A maximum cap of allowed greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is placed on participating installations in sectors such as electricity generation, industry and aviation. A firm whose emissions fall below its allowed cap can trade the excess allowance to other participating installations within the EU. Conversely, for a company to exceed the cap, it needs to buy excess allowances from elsewhere in the market to be in compliance with the EU regulations. The idea behind implementing such a trading scheme is to ensure emissions reduction targets are met by big emitting industries. The initial target for 2030 was for achieving an emissions reduction to the tune of -43% from 2005 standards. The Fit for 55 package proposes a tightening of the ETS by increasing that target to -61% by 2030, compared to 2005 emissions levels. Meanwhile, the reduction target in the sectors that do not fall under EU ETS I was increased from -30% to -40% for 2030 from the 2005 baseline. ## Varying Expectations Lead to Criticism Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki criticized the package stating that the emissions trading mechanism will push Europe into its deepest economic crisis “in 100 years”. He also noted that the package would widen economic inequalities, making the poor poorer and the rich even richer. Meanwhile, the Polish Climate and Environment Minister Anna Moskwa has taken to X to question the EU’s authority to make decisions about what kind of vehicles Poles should drive and raise energy prices in the country. Poland has currently challenged the Fit for 55 package before the ECJ. A [study](https://caneurope.org/eu-countries-off-target-in-fighting-climate-change/) published by the Climate Action Network-Europe sheds light on the ground reality with respect to EU member-states’ implementation of measures intended to meet the Paris Agreement targets. The majority of member states score less than half of the possible points. The ranking shows Denmark (49% of points), Germany (45%), Great Britain (37%) and Belgium (35%) are no longer at the forefront of the fight against climate change and are aiming rather low despite their relative prosperity track. Along with Poland, Estonia and Ireland have also been identified to rank low due to their strong opposition to climate action at national and EU levels. State government’s inaction against climate change has also prompted individuals to approach European courts to hold them accountable. A group of Portuguese youth have filed a [lawsuit](https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2023/09/27/court-case-over-climate-inaction-against-32-countries-opens-at-the-european-court-of-human#:~:text=Six%20young%20people%20from%20Portugal,any%20court%20in%20the%20world.) against 32 countries (including 27 EU member-states) before the ECHR in Strasbourg in September 2023. Meanwhile, in March 2023, the “Club of Climate Seniors”, a group of female Swiss senior citizens [sued](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65107800) the government of Switzerland for its failure to come up with a decent climate policy. The Club argues that rising temperatures, particularly during heat wave conditions are causing deaths among senior women and hence is a violation of their human rights. Decisions are awaited on both cases. **Judiciary as a motor of climate protection?** According to a [UN report](https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/press-release/climate-litigation-more-doubles-five-years-now-key-tool-delivering), there are now more than 2,000 lawsuits around the world seeking measures to halt climate change filed against governments and companies. The number of lawsuits has doubled since 2017. However, these lawsuits have so far not led to any significant legislative commitments for more climate protection. The [ruling](https://climatecasechart.com/non-us-case/neubauer-et-al-v-germany/) of the German Federal Constitutional Court in *Neubauer, et al. v. Germany* in 2020 is highly relevant for European as well as international law with respect to state responsibility for addressing climate change. The Court ruled that the legislature has an obligation to protect the climate and aim towards achieving climate neutrality. It further stated that the burden of emissions reduction may not be “unfairly offloaded” to the future generations. The court verdict indirectly implies an obligation on Germany to work towards more EU climate protection, especially since most emissions are regulated supranationally. The onus in this instance falls on European leadership. France has an opportunity to build bridges between groups of member states, working alongside the upcoming presidencies of the EU. Denmark, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, and Austria are all willing partners in this, as they are already cooperating to implement the European Green Deal.  European leaders should intensify their efforts to build clean, sustainable energy security in practice – not just in theory. They should also address the climate challenge as a matter of EU – rather than national – energy sovereignty. Europeans will be locked into longer-term carbon dependency and unable to benefit from economies of scale if they only operate nationally. Strong thought leadership will be needed to achieve this change of mindset. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Implications of AUKUS on Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime > The NPT bans the transfer of nuclear weapons, materials or technology to a non-nuclear weapon state. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/implications-of-aukus-on-nuclear-non-proliferation-regime - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Ishita Maity - Published: 22 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: Nuclear - Reading time: 5 min · 1148 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/implications-of-aukus-on-nuclear-non-proliferation-regime-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The NPT bans the transfer of nuclear weapons, materials or technology to a non-nuclear weapon state. It allows for transfer of nuclear materials and technology for peaceful uses, which are generally considered to be for civilian nuclear energy generation. --- It allows for transfer of nuclear materials and technology for peaceful uses, which are generally considered to be for civilian nuclear energy generation. Whether this can be interpreted to also include naval propulsion for military submarines is a contentious issue, a loophole exploited by the USA, UK and Australia to execute the AUKUS deal. Concerned over China’s growing power, the USA has ramped up its diplomatic engagement with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region. It has been actively seeking out new minilaterals and small groupings with like-minded states to prepare for a potential conflict. Even within existing alliance frameworks, the USA has been crafting interest-based groupings that are envisaged to play pivotal roles in its battle strategy to counter China’s military might. In Southeast Asia, it has gained access to four military bases in the Philippines. Battle preparations are also underway in Northeast Asia. Japan is set to acquire hundreds of cruise missiles, while the marine regiment at the Okinawa base is being modernized. Meanwhile, the recently concluded Camp David summit has [reconfigured the bilateral treaty alliances](https://www.stratechos.com/pns/US%2C-Japan%2C-S-Korea-Security-Alliance-Bears-Hallmarks-of-an-Asian-NATO) with South Korea and Japan into a trilateral framework. AUKUS is one such grouping which Washington has put large stakes into. Most strikingly, the deal represents the very first time in which the USA has agreed to transfer nuclear propulsion technology to another country. This is expected to equip Australia with cutting-edge underwater warfare capabilities. However, concerns have been raised as to whether this could allow the government of Australia or other actors to utilize the same for acquiring a nuclear weapon. This article delves into this debate, while assessing whether existing nuclear non-proliferation norms can prevent such a scenario. **AUKUS: What is the (big) deal?** AUKUS, is a three-way strategic defense alliance between Australia, the United Kingdom (UK) and the USA to enhance their deterrence and warfighting capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region. The alliance has been primarily motivated by the three countries’ concerns over the growing Chinese naval influence in the Indo-Pacific. As per the terms of the arrangement, two naval powers, the USA and the UK shall extend their assistance to equip Australia with eight nuclear-powered submarines. The deal marks the first of its kind that the USA is sharing nuclear propulsion technology with an ally. Nuclear-powered submarines are different from nuclear armed submarines. While the latter is equipped with nuclear-tipped missiles, nuclear-powered submarines are powered by a small nuclear reactor. Nuclear propulsion allows the submarine to have “[greater speed, stealth and firepower](https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/mar/09/speed-stealth-and-firepower-the-submarines-that-redfine-australias-strategic-personality)”. As opposed to conventional diesel-electric submarines which need to surface frequently to recharge their batteries, nuclear-powered submarines can remain submerged for at least three to four months. In general, nuclear propulsion also generates a much lesser acoustic signature than diesel-electric propulsion. A more sustained source of power in these ways reduces the chances of detection by an adversary. While the Australian Navy already operates the Collins class conventional submarines, acquisition of nuclear-powered submarines will equip it with formidable underwater capabilities. Along with the submarine component, the AUKUS deal also strives to deepen cooperation and improve interoperability across a spectrum of emerging technologies including artificial intelligence, quantum technologies and robotics. By strengthening cooperation across these areas, the alliance seeks to boost their joint warfighting capabilities and protect their vision of a stable and peaceful Indo-Pacific. This shall be done through bringing together sailors, scientists, and industries to maintain and increase the alliance’s collective capacity in the region. ## Non-Proliferation Concerns China claims that the AUKUS Deal [represents](http://theconversation.com/if-aukus-is-all-about-nuclear-submarines-how-can-it-comply-with-nuclear-non-proliferation-treaties-a-law-scholar-explains-201760) “the illegal transfer of nuclear weapon materials, making it essentially an act of nuclear proliferation”. The deal has also sparked nuclear proliferation concerns among international observers including the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN). The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) prohibits a nuclear weapon state from transferring nuclear technology or material to a non-nuclear weapon state for weapon uses. However, it does not explicitly prohibit the transfer of nuclear technology or material for non-weapon military uses. Hence, the transfer of nuclear technology for naval propulsion has been[ interpreted](https://theconversation.com/if-aukus-is-all-about-nuclear-submarines-how-can-it-comply-with-nuclear-non-proliferation-treaties-a-law-scholar-explains-201760) by the AUKUS partners as being compliant with the terms of the NPT. The three signatories to AUKUS have taken [precautionary measures](https://www.state.gov/briefings-foreign-press-centers/aukus-partnership-and-its-implications-for-nuclear-non-proliferation) to alleviate the proliferation risks. In order to reduce the risk, Australia has decided to have their submariners trained in the US and UK rather than at their own facilities. Meanwhile, the USA and the UK will supply fissile material in welded units that do not require refueling throughout the course of their lifetime. This reduces the chances of Australia enriching or reprocessing the spent nuclear fuel. Australia has further committed to refraining from purchasing the tools required to chemically reprocess spent fuel and make it suitable for use in weapons. At a political level, Australia is a signatory to the Treaty of Rarotonga, also known as the South Pacific Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty. Signatories to this treaty agree to maintain a nuclear-free zone in the South-Pacific region and are [prohibited](https://www.weaponslaw.org/instruments/1985-treaty-of-rarotonga#:~:text=The%20forum%20proposed%20that%20ships%20carrying%20nuclear%20weapons%2C,states%20without%20the%20consent%20from%20the%20state%20first.) from the “testing, usage, creation, stationing, and possession of any nuclear weapons around the South Pacific states”. The forum had further proposed a ban on the entry of ships carrying nuclear weapons or items that could be used to create nuclear weapons into the South Pacific region. ## The Future of AUKUS Considering the measures that have been taken to prevent the diversion of nuclear material for weapon uses, the AUKUS deal falls in line with the Raratonga Agreement. Still, it is important to establish clearer guidelines to allay concerns regarding the misuse of nuclear activities of the AUKUS partners or any other nations that might adopt a similar agreement. Working individually and jointly to establish such a stronger baseline would be wise for Australia, the UK, and the USA. However, decisions must be made far in advance of the submarines approaching Australian shores. The international community must seek new strategies to complement established legal nonproliferation and arms control frameworks. Specifically, the creation of voluntary, cooperative, complementary measures will be required. Such steps should be taken to ensure that nuclear activities involving verification exemptions for military applications, particularly top-secret projects like naval propulsion, are not diverted for weapon uses. Australia has a proud history of assuming leadership roles in the international non-proliferation regime. It has signed a Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement and Additional Protocol with the IAEA. The three states have been collaborating with the IAEA to ensure that their individual nuclear non-proliferation commitments and duties are fully upheld when Australia purchases conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines. However, this collaboration can benefit from the creation of further verification mechanisms. The onus is on the three AUKUS partners to jointly dispel the worries of the international community regarding potential misuse of the deal and strengthen their respective non-proliferation credentials. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # US, Japan, S Korea Security Alliance Bears Hallmarks of an Asian NATO > The Camp David bore witness to the birth of yet another historic diplomatic masterstroke in August 2023. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/us-japan-s-korea-security-alliance-bears-hallmarks-of-an-asian-nato - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Abhyuday Saraswat - Published: 18 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: S&T Policy, Military - Reading time: 5 min · 1249 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/us-japan-s-korea-security-alliance-bears-hallmarks-of-an-asian-nato-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The Camp David bore witness to the birth of yet another historic diplomatic masterstroke in August 2023. Capitalizing on the recent rapprochement between Japan and South Korea, Washington has skillfully crafted a trilateral security cooperation framework to counter China. How could this shape the idea of a free and open Indo-Pacific? --- Capitalizing on the recent rapprochement between Japan and South Korea, Washington has skillfully crafted a trilateral security cooperation framework to counter China. How could this shape the idea of a free and open Indo-Pacific? On 18 August 2023, US President Joe Biden received Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol at Camp David, a presidential retreat in the state of Maryland. The three leaders pledged to strengthen military and commercial relations while condemning China's "dangerous and aggressive behaviour." While Japan and South Korea are formal treaty allies of the USA, the summit marked a significant milestone in reconfiguring their mutual relations into a trilateral setup. Amid growing US-China tensions, the trilateral summit has signalled the three countries’ willingness to work together to counter common threats. The statements regarding trilateral defence cooperation were a noteworthy outcome of the Camp David summit. Plans to strengthen cooperation on ballistic missile defence are especially significant, notwithstanding Beijing's heavy pressure on Seoul to desist from joining an integrated missile defence architecture with the US and Japan. A long-term military exercise program involving an annual event in many domains might help strengthen their defence ties over time. The summit has sparked interest among Indo-Pacific observers around the world, who suspect whether the separate bilateral treaty alliances have now transformed into an trilateral [Asian NATO](https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/09/06/asian-nato-security-alliance-china-us-quad-aukus-japan-australia-taiwan-military-biden/). This article addresses the major outcomes of the summit and its larger regional implications. **US-Japan-South Korea Trilateral: An Asian NATO?** The three nations were eager to deny that their agreement amounts to a formal trilateral defence alliance or any other binding commitment. Nonetheless, the wording of the Camp David joint statement mentions the means to respond to common security threat. Such language is usually reserved for allies. Moreover, they lay the groundwork for long-term cooperation in the defence and security sphere. The USA already engages annually in bilateral military exercises with South Korea for maintaining their joint readiness to face threats from North Korea. Meanwhile, as per the terms of the Mutual Security Treaty, 1951, the USA has already put in place plans for safeguarding Japan’s security and assisting in contingency operations elsewhere in the area. The USA and Japan have been enhancing preparedness through frequently engaging in military drills. However, a trilateral security framework for contingency planning has so far been non-existent despite significant strategic convergences across the region. Under the new trilateral framework, the USA would sign a formal "commitment to consult," which states that the three countries will take any security threat to one of them as a threat to all, necessitating mutual dialogue about how to respond. The vow would not go as far as [Article 5](https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_110496.htm) of the NATO treaty, which requires the allies to "take action" if any member is attacked. However, it would strengthen the idea that the three would respond in concert. The "duty to consult" pledge implies that the three countries have "fundamentally interlinked security environments" and that a danger to one of them is "a threat to all." In the event of a danger or crisis, the three nations undertake to confer, share information, and match their responses with one another. The promise does not violate each country's right to self-defence under international law. Nor does it modify existing bilateral treaty commitments between the United States and Japan or the United States and South Korea. The US has more than 80,000 troops [stationed](https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-21-270) in both nations. ## South Korea-Japan Rapprochement the Key A trend of prevailing mistrust between Japan and South Korea had so far prevented the realization of a trilateral defence cooperation framework. The mistrust stems from disputes that date back to when Japan occupied South Korea during 1910-1945. A sticking thorn among them is the issue of the Japanese military’s employment of Korean comfort women during World War II. South Koreans view this as a grave injustice and had been demanding reparations from Japan. Since Yoon’s ascension to presidency, the Republic of Korea and Japan have resumed military intelligence collaboration under the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA). Commercial relations have also been reestablished. The old colonial animosity that has hindered the political leadership from seeking closer connections may have faded. However, feelings among the public remains strong. Protestors in Seoul have expressed their dissatisfaction with Yoon's leadership for accepting the comfort women settlement offered by Japan. The Yoon government is known for its staunchly conservative policies, particularly toward North Korea, but the abrupt détente with Japan has cast doubts. Despite the backlash, it seems likely that larger geopolitical concerns emanating from the neighbourhood – particularly from China and North Korea – has been at the forefront of the Yoon administration’s recalibration of ties with Japan. In this respect, the Camp David summit represents a new era of consensus and collaboration for the USA, Japan and South Korea. ## We Stand Together The three leaders stressed on the need to join hands in a world spiralling into geopolitical chaos and sought to project a united front against China’s growing aggression. President Biden appreciated the leaders of South Korea and Japan for showing political fortitude in pursuing bilateral reconciliation. He stated that they recognized the globe was "at an inflection point, where we're called to lead in new ways, work together, and stand together." "Critically, we've all committed to quickly consulting with each other in response to threats to any of our countries, regardless of source," he added. "That means we'll have a hotline to share information and coordinate our responses whenever a crisis occurs in the region or affects any of our countries. Together, we're going to stand up for international law" as well as against "coercion", Biden stated. In a similar tone, PM Kishida condemned "unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force in the East and South China Seas". He further pointed out that the missile and nuclear threat from North Korea was "only becoming ever larger." Meanwhile, President Yoon interpreted the summit agreement to be synonymous with a collective defence stipulation. He [stated](https://editor.wix.com/data/Items/.%20https:/indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-history/history-of-presidential-retreat-camp-david-8898908/) that "provocations or attacks against any one of our three countries will trigger a decision-making process within the trilateral framework, and our solidarity will become even stronger and harder." ## Provoked China Equals a Confrontational China While South Korea, Japan, and the US seek to avoid offending Beijing, China feels the US is attempting to isolate it politically and militarily. The US wishes to capitalise on the recent Japan-South Korea rapprochement by institutionalizing regular cooperation across all domains. This would further make it difficult for subsequent political administrations in South Korea or Japan to backtrack on their security commitments. However, China views this as a blatant provocation. Beijing has repeatedly warned that the United States' efforts to deepen relations with South Korea and Japan may "increase tension and confrontation in the region." China’s recent [aggression](https://www.voanews.com/a/camp-david-agreement-likely-to-fuel-china-s-aggression-in-south-china-sea-/7240239.html) against Philippine boats in the South China Sea may attest to its growing ire over the US-Japan-South Korea trilateral. Beijing's turn to forceful techniques may run counter to the vision of a free and open Indo Pacific. This cooperation comes at a time where China’s pressure over Taiwan is increasing and might prove detrimental for regional peace and stability. China's message to the USA and its allies is loud and clear, get in line or prepare to receive the Philippine treatment. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Seizure, Swagger and Sea Denial: Iran and the Strait of Hormuz > The Strait of Hormuz situated in the Persian Gulf holds tremendous significance for the global energy supply chains. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/seizure-swagger-and-sea-denial-iran-and-the-strait-of-hormuz - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: B. Poornima - Published: 9 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Military - Reading time: 5 min · 1225 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/seizure-swagger-and-sea-denial-iran-and-the-strait-of-hormuz-3.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The Strait of Hormuz situated in the Persian Gulf holds tremendous significance for the global energy supply chains. Iran’s naval forces have recently been engaging in harassing and seizing commercial and military vessels traversing through the region. The situation is escalating fast as the USA and its allies are increasing their military build-up in the Gulf. --- Iran’s naval forces have recently been engaging in harassing and seizing commercial and military vessels traversing through the region. The situation is escalating fast as the USA and its allies are increasing their military build-up in the Gulf. Nestled within the Strait of Hormuz, an essential link between the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf, lies a strategic Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC) renowned for its global energy trade significance. At the centre of this dynamic region is a state boasting considerable naval power and influence: Iran. The naval forces of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC-Navy) have been a major concern for other Gulf states and the United States of America (USA). The USA has large stakes in the Hormuz Strait and seeks to maintain its freedom of navigation in the region. Meanwhile, other regional players have been attempting to reconcile their security interests with the need to engage in diplomatic interactions with Iran. This scenario has resulted in an escalation of the delicate security situation in the region in recent times. The International Maritime Security Construct (IMSC) recently [notified](https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/naval-forces-in-gulf-warn-ships-against-nearing-iranian-waters/articleshow/102699935.cms?from=mdr) “regional mariners of appropriate precautions to minimise the risk of seizure based on current regional tensions”. The notification follows several reports of tankers and containers being seized by the Iranian naval forces without agreeable justification. Against this backdrop, this article delves into Iran’s maritime dominance within the Strait of Hormuz and examines its far-reaching implications for global security and economy. ## Iran’s Naval Strategy: Securing Sovereignty and Regional Influence Primarily geared towards quick response and amphibious landings, the IRGC-Navy is adept at operating torpedo boats and swift patrol vessels in swarms. The primary operational scope of the IRGC-Navy is confined within the Persian Gulf, where their principal duty involves safeguarding Iran’s islands while also securing its oil installations. A restructuring exercise undertaken some years back granted this special force the foremost role in controlling critical parts of the Persian Gulf like the Hormuz Strait. On the other hand, the Iranian Navy operates larger platforms such as destroyers, corvettes, frigates and submarines. This force, the regular Navy has been entrusted the responsibility of the Oman Gulf and the Caspian Sea. For years, Iran has upheld a crucial naval position in the Strait of Hormuz to preserve its sovereignty and guarantee its territorial security. Over time, the state has utilised its maritime capabilities to safeguard trade routes at sea while ensuring the security of energy resources that traverse these waters. Iran’s naval stance serves as a strong deterrent against potential dangers, highlighting its dedication to protecting its interests in the Persian Gulf. By showcasing its maritime might, Iran solidifies its presence in the Strait and reinforces its status as an influential participant in the larger region. ## Displaying Assertiveness through Sea Denial and Interference Iran occasionally resorts to issuing threats to shut off access to the Strait of Hormuz as a prominent way to project its power. In 2018, President Hassan Rouhani cautioned that if the US attempted to impede their oil exports, Tehran would shut down the vital waterway. When Washington reimposed sanctions on Iranian oil exports the following year, an influential military commander from Iran warned [of closing off access to the Strait](https://en.radiofarda.com/a/iran-guards-commander-threatens-to-block-hormuz/29791593.html) should such economic barriers persist. Recent activities conducted by the IRGC-Navy near the narrowest part of this crucial waterway (which spans a mere 33 km) have provoked concern and apprehension among international trade stakeholders in West Asia. Among the affected are American naval vessels passing through or navigating towards their Central Command base in Manama. Beyond issuing verbal threats, Iranian forces have allegedly [taken aggressive actions](https://www.theguardian.com/business/2022/nov/16/liberian-flagged-oil-tanker-owned-by-israeli-billionaire-hit-by-drone) against oil tankers and [seized commercial vessels](https://apnews.com/article/iran-us-navy-oil-tanker-advantage-057155f4d9caf92131533fe90f94a3a0) as they traverse the Persian Gulf region. In a similar act in July 2023, [Reuters](https://www.reuters.com/world/us-could-offer-armed-troops-commercial-vessels-strait-hormuz-officials-2023-08-03/)** reported that Tehran claimed it had received authorisation from an Iranian court to impound a tanker in the Gulf waters. In response to the USA’s enhanced naval presence in the region over the years, Iran has [bolstered the IRGC-Navy](https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/iran-boosts-navy-with-missiles-drones-us-offers-guards-gulf-ships-2023-08-05/) with advanced drones and “several hundred cruise and ballistic missiles with a range of 300 to 1,000 km,” among other equipment. The Ebrahim Raisi administration has [significantly emphasised](https://www.tasnimnews.com/en/news/2022/05/08/2707322/resistance-of-nations-shaping-new-regional-order-iranian-president) strengthening the ‘axis of resistance’, viewed as a key element in Iran’s foreign policy under Raisi, demonstrating the dominance of hardline factions. Consequently, these attacks and escalations also aim to pressure the US into withdrawal, enabling Iran to effectively expand its sphere of influence. ## Implications of Iran’s Naval Presence Iran’s naval forces’ confident display of power raises the likelihood of skirmishes at sea, which could ultimately lead to economic repercussions affecting global energy markets. With increased military manoeuvres in the Strait of Hormuz, there is an alarming prospect for heightened tensions, emphasising the need for adept diplomatic manoeuvres and conflict management mechanisms. In an interconnected world fuelled by trade and shared goals, Iran’s naval activities in the Hormuz Strait have significant implications that warrant thoughtful examination. The threat of blocking shipments through the Strait of Hormuz or attacks on container ships directly impact the security and safety of ships and their crew members – assets central to successful passage through troubled waters. Scepticism emerged within entities responsible for [shipping insurance coverage](https://www.reuters.com/article/mideast-attacks-insurance-idUSL8N23L2ND) due to scores of tanker attacks perpetrated between May and June 2019 alone. As a result, premiums skyrocketed alarmingly; some estimates predicted insurance rates for oil-laden vessels reaching or exceeding USD 500,000, a tenfold increase compared to previous levels. The ripple effect was also felt within global commerce channels as container ships and tankers were weighed down with uncertainty when considering docking at ports in this volatile geopolitical region soon after General Qasem Soleimani’s assassination in early 2020. Mounting premiums added another layer of complexity when market sentiment faltered amidst concerns over potential disruptions to safe transit via the Hormuz Strait. These narrow waterways are already afflicted with latent risks, escalating navigational costs while presenting refiners and consumers with unpredictable financial burdens. Such fallouts may negatively impact the smooth flow of cargo from Persian Gulf territories towards markets worldwide. ## Diplomacy and Trust-building: The Road to De-escalation Previous attempts to ease tensions in the Gulf of Hormuz offer valuable lessons about achieving enduring stability. The USA has employed an amalgamation of economic sanctions, diplomatic endeavours, and military deterrence to counterbalance Iran’s influence. However, this strategy has achieved little in tangible terms. While efforts have been made to negotiate, they have encountered obstacles from long-standing grievances, differing security objectives, and a lack of trust. It is imperative for regional security arrangements to strike a careful equilibrium between individual national concerns and overall stability, emphasising the significance of fostering a conducive atmosphere for de-escalation. The presence of Iran’s Navy in the Gulf of Hormuz brings about a range of perspectives and consequences, demonstrating its multifaceted nature. From asserting sovereignty to addressing regional security concerns and safeguarding global energy flows, the various interests at play highlight the intricate dynamics of the Gulf. As one navigates through these complexities, it becomes evident that diplomatic engagement, confidence-building and collaboration among the stakeholders are paramount. The future of the Gulf’s development depends on the states’ ability to bridge gaps, promote stability, and collectively shape a maritime environment for all involved parties. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # From Pariah to Belle of the Ball: India and the NSG > The Nuclear Suppliers Group originated nearly five decades ago with India firmly in its crosshairs after conducting its first nuclear test. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/from-pariah-to-belle-of-the-ball-india-and-the-nsg - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Ishita Maity - Published: 3 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: Nuclear, Clean Energy - Reading time: 4 min · 903 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/from-pariah-to-belle-of-the-ball-india-and-the-nsg-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The Nuclear Suppliers Group originated nearly five decades ago with India firmly in its crosshairs after conducting its first nuclear test. Today, most of the original seven NSG members are the leading supporters of India’s bid to gain entry into the same grouping. What does India to stand to gain from an NSG membership? --- Today, most of the original seven NSG members are the leading supporters of India’s bid to gain entry into the same grouping. What does India to stand to gain from an NSG membership? The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) has been a central cog in the global nuclear non-proliferation architecture since 1975. Set up in the immediate aftermath of India’s 1974 Pokhran-1 peaceful nuclear explosion, the London’s Club as it was initially informally referred to, had seven members – the USA, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, Canada, West Germany, France and Japan. Since then, it has expanded to a formal organization having 48 member countries. India has been attempting to gain a membership in the NSG, having received a one-time waiver in 2008. The NSG waiver enables India to do nuclear trade and commerce with all the member countries for civilian nuclear energy purposes. However, what does India stand to gain from a full membership? Let’s find out. The guidelines for nuclear energy management, particularly relating to the export of nuclear material, equipment and technology are established by two global agreements: the export restrictions laid down by the Zangger Committee, also known as the Exporters Committee of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), and the NSG. These arrangements have sought to ensure that state or non-state actors do not divert nuclear material and technology for weapon uses. In doing so, the existing regimes have been largely successful in their contribution to maintaining global peace and stability. Moreover, the NSG and the non-proliferation agenda was an area in which the USA and the Soviet Union had measurable success in cooperation during the Cold War era. India’s tryst with the NSG has been rough since the Cold War years. India saw the NSG from the beginning as an oligopoly of the nuclear powers that was neither advantageous nor fair to developing nations. As the USA began to actively engage with India on an equal footing following its 1998 nuclear tests, the scenario began to change. After India put its civilian nuclear reactors under the International Atomic Energy Agency’s safeguards, India was granted a waiver by the NSG. The waiver effectively opened doors for India to engage in nuclear trade and commerce with all the 48 members of the NSG. The [terms](https://carnegieendowment.org/2018/02/13/eyes-on-prize-india-s-pursuit-of-membership-in-nuclear-suppliers-group-pub-75535) of the waiver allows India “to import and export nuclear and dual-use items subject to controls”. However, India cannot have access to items classified as “Sensitive Nuclear Technologies”. In the subsequent period, India has signed agreements on civil nuclear cooperation with at least 14 countries including Russia, the United Kingdom, Vietnam, Japan, Australia and Namibia. India made its application for membership to the NSG at the Seoul Plenary meeting in June 2016. India’s [application](https://thewire.in/diplomacy/revealed-indias-300-page-application-for-nsg-membership) herein made a strong case for the fact that its “participation in the NSG would strengthen international efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons.” India further submitted proof of its adherence to the NSG trigger list and showed willingness to bring its nuclear exports under “the same framework as other NSG countries”. However, China and several other member-states insisted that India could not be admitted without drawing up a process to admit NPT non-signatories.  China in particular has actively blocked India’s membership, while parallelly backing Pakistan’s. China has [argued](https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/china-rules-out-indias-entry-into-nsg-without-consensus-on-allowing-non-npt-countries/articleshow/69893448.cms?from=mdr) that the group should chart out a two-step plan for NSG members to decide principles based on which non-NPT members can be admitted, while the eligibility shall be judged on specific case basis. However, India has been able to secure backing for its NSG membership bid from countries including the USA, Australia, the United Kingdom, Germany, Russia, France and Italy.**** India’s entry into the grouping is only likely to be realised after a modification of the NSG’s rules – either for a solitary case exemption or removal of the requirement of being an NPT signatory. India has a stellar non-proliferation record and has been a responsible power as attested to repeatedly by the USA. Moreover, India already complies with NSG regulations and regularly updates its national export control list to reflect changes made by the NSG. Despite being a non-signatory the NPT, India continues to uphold the treaty's ideals. It has been argued that gaining a full membership in NSG would allow to India to scale up its deployment of nuclear energy, thereby allowing it to achieve 40% reduction in consumption of fossil fuels. While India has a strong indigenous capacity in nuclear energy, an NSG membership would allow it to gain access to a wide range of technologies with applications in fields ranging from nuclear energy to medicine. India’s entry into the NSG would serve to formally legitimize its profound role in upholding the global nonproliferation agenda. India must clearly keep in sight the costs and benefits that a place at an organization such as the NSG would fetch for its long-term status aspirations. On the other hand, the NSG stands to gain from including India, a significant player in the global nuclear energy markets. India’s inclusion would strengthen the NSG’s record of accomplishment. However, any evaluation of the benefits will be influenced by geopolitics. Therefore, it is crucial for the NSG and its multilateral set up to include New Delhi to actively further its own goals. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Internet of Things Solutions Can Revolutionize the Chemical Industry > Industry 4.0 represents a new era in manufacturing and production. Internet of Things (IoT) herein features as a central enabler of smart manufacturing. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/internet-of-things-solutions-can-revolutionize-the-chemical-industry - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Sharmistha Bose - Published: 1 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: S&T Policy - Reading time: 4 min · 830 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/internet-of-things-solutions-can-revolutionize-the-chemical-industry-3.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Industry 4.0 represents a new era in manufacturing and production. Internet of Things (IoT) herein features as a central enabler of smart manufacturing. In a high-risk, high-stakes industry such as chemicals, IoT holds immense potential to enhance efficiency and productivity. The chemical industry accounts for the manufacturing of almost every product. --- In a high-risk, high-stakes industry such as chemicals, IoT holds immense potential to enhance efficiency and productivity. The chemical industry accounts for the manufacturing of almost every product. It acts as a support system for many industries such as agriculture, pharmaceuticals, and automotive, among others. Thus, any alterations in this industry are likely to affect other industries as well. The advent of the fourth industrial revolution (Industry 4.0) is expected to bring such alterations. [Industry 4.0](https://www.sap.com/india/products/scm/industry-4-0/what-is-industry-4-0.html#:~:text=Industry%204.0%20can%20be%20defined,Data%2C%20robotics%2C%20and%20automation.) effectively entails “an integration of intelligent digital technologies into manufacturing and industrial processes”.  Advanced technologies including artificial intelligence and machine learning and cloud computing have the potential to enhance efficiency and productivity. Industry 4.0 can hence revolutionize the chemicals industry by fostering growth and streamlining operations. It combines the Internet of Things (IoT) technologies along with operational technology (OT) & information technology (IT) such as robotics, artificial intelligence, analytics, and more to facilitate the act of manufacturing. IoT has now reached a level that can be incorporated with the core processes of chemical industries to digitally transform operations and help companies achieve business growth. This article explores how. ## Asset Management IoT technologies along with IT & OT can enable chemical companies to maximize asset use and reduce unplanned downtime. Leveraging the data gathered from sensors on turbines, compressors, and extruders, analytics tools can help detect patterns to envisage and diagnose plausible breakdowns. Plant workers can then be alerted via smart equipment about any maintenance and delivery schedules. ## Safety Management Many critical processes in chemical industries are carried out under high temperature and pressure conditions. This can lead to sudden leakage of dangerous chemicals, thus posing a risk to plant operators and management. The use of IoT technologies allows monitoring of hazardous compounds continuously so that risks can be alleviated. Connected technologies can help the operators sense mechanical vibrations or other incidences such as corrosion or cracks in a chemical tank and inform the workers, thus minimizing risks. ## Remote Monitoring and Control Certain processes are implemented in chemical industries for manufacturing chemicals and their derivatives. The raw materials are moved from silos and storage tanks through the plant and end up in the packaging area. Here, IoT solutions find use in remotely assessing the conveyer and pipe infrastructure. They measure, record, and monitor the content in storage tanks, pressure and temperature in tanks and pipelines, and rate of flow in liquids and gases. IoT is also capable of running industrial relays and control valves remotely. ## Energy Management Energy management is crucial for chemical industries as energy heavily contributes to the cost of production. There are various operations and interactions involved in a plant and workers find it difficult to opt for optimal operating conditions. Data mining and modeling can be utilized to create target values for a plant’s total energy consumption based on factors such as the present status of the plant, outside temperatures, and so on. ## Equipment Cleaning Cleaning of equipment frequently is essential to keep the operations in a plant running smoothly without compromising production output. IoT can be put to use in this regard. By connecting IoT sensors to machines, plant operators can get alerts that remind them to clean the equipment from time to time to address the requirements of a chemical plant. This reduces the likelihood of occurrence of errors in chemical process control operations. In addition, IoT sensors can also enhance the process of cleaning with the help of blacklight to ensure the absence of contaminants in the equipment. ## Better Customer Service IoT allows chemical industries to incorporate intelligence to their products. Automation of systems allows plant operators to improve the speed of product delivery and help them to know the exact status of an order. This facilitates greater transparency and enhanced customer service as customers’ needs and expectations are addressed proactively. More companies in the chemical sector are now turning to IoT solutions to leverage the potential of the technology in order to make the best decisions with regards to the replacement or repairing of equipment, which tasks are required and which are wasteful, and which processes are the most energy efficient. This is one of the factors pushing the demand for IoT technologies in the chemical industry. Moreover, the growing environmental concerns due to chemical release from plants, rise in concern towards the reduction of risk associated with chemical industries, and increasing focus on the circular economy are other key factors driving the IoT in the chemical industry market. Furthermore, a rise in the adoption of industrial robots propels the market growth. According to a recent report by the research firm, Allied Market Research, the global [IoT in the chemical industry market](https://www.alliedmarketresearch.com/iot-in-chemical-industry-market-A17266) is expected to accrue a sum of $193.9 billion by 2031 and grow at a CAGR of 13.3% during the forecast period, 2022 to 2031. **Disclaimer:** This is an exclusive thought leadership article curated by Allied Market Research. It does not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of  Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Nano Drones: Small Size, Big Impact in Modern Industries > Nano drones is the next frontier in the evolution of drones. Due to their small size, these drones present a tremendous scope for application across military and civilian spheres. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/nano-drones-small-size-big-impact-in-modern-industries - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Emergen Research - Published: 1 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Nanotechnology - Reading time: 5 min · 1161 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/nano-drones-small-size-big-impact-in-modern-industries-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Nano drones is the next frontier in the evolution of drones. Due to their small size, these drones present a tremendous scope for application across military and civilian spheres. However, several moral and ethical considerations ought to be resolved to allow humanity to fully benefit from them. --- However, several moral and ethical considerations ought to be resolved to allow humanity to fully benefit from them. Nano drones are the tiniest members of the drone family. These small marvels stand out for their diminutive size and light weight. A device needs to be a few inches in diameter and only a few grams in weight to be categorised as a nano drone. Due of their small size, nano drones can travel through areas that are inaccessible to larger drones. Nano drones are distinct from other types of drones, such micro and mini drones, in terms of size and functionality. Mini drones are tiny but not as tiny as nano drones. Meanwhile, micro drones are a little bigger and can carry more cargo. However, nano drones genuinely push the limits of miniaturisation in drone technology. The development of nano drones has been a wonderful journey. Engineers have developed methods to reduce component size while maintaining performance, resulting in drones that are not only compact but also unexpectedly powerful. ## The Science Behind Nano Drones The science and engineering that went into creating nano drones are what make them unique. A major driver behind this development has been the miniaturisation of parts, including batteries, sensors, and motors. Modern electronics manufacturing techniques make it possible to produce compact, highly effective parts that can survive the stresses of flight. Nano drone construction is heavily reliant on materials. The drone is kept nimble and resilient throughout flight thanks to the choice of lightweight yet strong materials. These components support the drone's ability to manoeuvre as well as withstand collisions and inclement weather. Power supplies are an important factor. Nano drones must be small and light, but they also need enough power to fly. Nano drones can now stay in the air for a substantial amount of time because of advancements in battery technology. Batteries can now provide a fair balance between energy density and weight. Nanoscale propulsion and control technologies are complex engineering achievements. The thrust required for flying is provided by tiny motors and propellers, while sophisticated control algorithms guarantee stability and responsiveness. **Read More:** [Could Drones Become the New Weapon of Choice for Terrorists?](https://www.stratechos.com/techtonics/Could-Drones-Become-the-New-Weapon-of-Choice-for-Terrorists%3F) ## Applications of Nano Drones Nano drones have sparked innovation across multiple areas. They are perfect for applications where larger drones would struggle because of their small size. A few noteworthy applications are: - *Surveillance and reconnaissance:* In places where larger drones could draw attention, nano drones can covertly collect data. Nano drones are used for surveillance and intelligence gathering by law enforcement and security officials. - *Environmental monitoring:* Nano drones offer a non-intrusive technique to follow landscape changes, monitor wildlife, and evaluate the effects of climate change on ecosystems in the fields of ecology and conservation. - *Search and rescue:* Nano drones are useful tools in search and rescue missions since they are skilled at navigating constrained and small locations. They have access to places that are dangerous for people to be in. - *Medical and healthcare:* Nano drones are useful in the medical industry for monitoring patients, delivering medications to hard-to-reach places, and assisting in surgery with precise motions. - *Agriculture:* By gathering information on soil quality, crop health, and pest infestations, nano drones support precision farming. Farmers can use this knowledge to streamline their procedures and cut down on resource waste. - *Entertainment and photography:* Nano drones with cameras offer distinctive vantage points for photography and cinematography. They can accomplish breathtaking aerial photography and videography that was previously unattainable.   ## Technological Challenges and Innovations Nano drone development is not without its difficulties. Because of their small size, nano drones can be challenging to communicate with and manage across greater distances. To get around these restrictions, signal transmission and reception must be improved. Energy efficiency and battery life are ongoing issues in the drone business. The flight time and lightweight power sources for nano drones must be balanced. To increase the flying time of nano drones, researchers are experimenting with new battery chemistries and energy-harvesting strategies. To gather data and take pictures, miniature sensors and cameras are necessary. Nano drones can successfully acquire and send vital information thanks to advancements in sensor technology, which supports a variety of applications. At the nanoscale, navigation and obstacle avoidance become especially difficult. To ensure that nano drones can navigate their environs without collisions or catastrophes, engineers are developing complex navigation algorithms and sensor arrays. ## Ethical and Regulatory Considerations Although nano drones have many advantages, their use creates ethical and legal issues that need to be resolved. Due to the possibility of these tiny drones invading private areas and endangering people's rights, privacy is a serious concern. It's crucial to strike a balance between acceptable uses and privacy issues. Another issue is safety, particularly in heavily crowded places. Unintended consequences may result from collisions with people or other items. Regulations governing the locations and hours of operation of nano drones are essential for reducing dangers. Governments and regulatory organisations have been attempting to craft rules governing the use of drones, especially nano drones. The laws governing how the technology is have to keep up pace with its evolution. Following these rules guarantees the ethical and appropriate use of nano drones. ## Future Prospects and Possibilities Nano drones have a bright future ahead of them. Nano drones, which could be increasingly smaller and more sophisticated as a result of continued miniaturisation efforts, could provide new opportunities for research and use. Nano drones have a lot of possibilities when using swarm technology. These small drones could work in coordinated swarms to complete previously unthinkable jobs. Nano drone swarms' collective intelligence has the potential to revolutionise fields as diverse as environmental monitoring and catastrophe response. Another possible direction for research is integration with artificial intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT). AI-enabled nanodrones could adapt to their environment and carry out activities on their own. To further their utility, they might also communicate with other smart gadgets. Nano drones will soon have novel applications. Nano drones could be incorporated into operations in sectors and industries that haven't previously used drone technology. This increase in applications may completely alter how we use technology in several spheres of our existence. Nano drone technology is a monument to human creativity and the limitless potential of technological advancement. These small wonders are changing industries and testing our preconceptions of what drones are capable of. The moral issues and legal frameworks that will influence the appropriate use of nano drone technology must be kept in mind as its complexities are dealt with. The adventure of nano drones has only just begun, and as we look into the future, we can only expect more innovations and game-changing uses that will certainly have a spectacular impact on our planet. **Part One:** [Nano drones: The Next Frontier in the Evolution of Drone Technology](http://www.stratechos.com/techtonics/Nano-drones%3A-The-Next-Frontier-in-the-Evolution-of-Drone-Technology) **Disclaimer:** This is an exclusive article curated by Emergen Research. It does not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Nano drones: The Next Frontier in the Evolution of Drone Technology > Drones have become nearly omnipresent across multiple areas of applications over the past two decades. Nano drones is the newest and most cutting-edge development in this arena. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/nano-drones-the-next-frontier-in-the-evolution-of-drone-technology - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Emergen Research - Published: 1 September 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Nanotechnology - Reading time: 3 min · 776 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/nano-drones-the-next-frontier-in-the-evolution-of-drone-technology-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Drones have become nearly omnipresent across multiple areas of applications over the past two decades. Nano drones is the newest and most cutting-edge development in this arena. Their evolution has been realized by advances in various fields of technologies including sophisticated sensors, AI-driven autonomy and improved communication. --- Their evolution has been realized by advances in various fields of technologies including sophisticated sensors, AI-driven autonomy and improved communication. In terms of technological development, drones have truly reached new heights. These unmanned aerial vehicles have demonstrated their adaptability and utility across numerous industries, from recording breath-taking aerial vistas to supporting crucial operations. Among the many different drone varieties, nano drones have caught the interest of both tech enthusiasts and industry experts. [Nano drones](https://www.emergenresearch.com/industry-report/nano-drones-market) have the enormous potential to completely transform how we see and interact with the world around us, despite their tiny size. This two-part explainer shall break down the evolution of nano drones, their applications and future potential. The first part of the series shall discuss the various technologies and associated applications that have facilitated the rapid evolution of nano drones. These developments span across a wide range of areas including design, components, software, sensors, communications, autonomy and technology integration. Here is a thorough summary of the main areas of technology that have facilitated quick advances in drones: **1. Miniaturization and Lightweight Design:** Drone technology has significantly shrunk, enabling the development of smaller, more manoeuvrable, and quickly deployable drones. Performance-preserving miniaturised parts, including motors, batteries, and sensors, have been produced. As a result of this miniaturisation, nano and micro drones have emerged, giving access to tight locations and broadening the scope of applications. **2. Advanced Materials:** The selection of materials has changed to improve durability and performance. Traditional heavier choices have been replaced with lightweight yet durable materials including carbon fibre, composites, and lightweight metals. These components help drones be more manoeuvrable, fly longer, and operate more effectively overall. **3. Battery Technology:** Developments in battery technologies have been essential for improving drone flying periods and increasing operational ranges. Lithium-ion and lithium-polymer batteries which allow for higher-energy density and faster recharge rates are now widely used. In order to maximise battery life while flying, energy-efficient power management techniques have also been created. **4. Sensors and Cameras:** Drones are equipped with a variety of sensors, including magnetometers, gyroscopes, accelerometers, GPS receivers, and obstacle detection sensors. Real-time information regarding the orientation, location, and surroundings of the drone is provided by these sensors. Higher resolutions, improved image stabilisation, and the incorporation of infrared and multispectral imaging capabilities for a variety of applications are other camera advancements. **Read More:** [Could Drones Become the New Weapon of Choice for Terrorists?](https://www.stratechos.com/techtonics/Could-Drones-Become-the-New-Weapon-of-Choice-for-Terrorists%3F) **5. Autonomy and AI:** With the incorporation of artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning algorithms, drone autonomy has dramatically improved. Drones can now make decisions, analyse data in real-time, and adapt to shifting circumstances. Applications like autonomous navigation, path planning, obstacle avoidance, and object recognition all depend on this autonomy. **6. Communication and Data Transfer:** Drones may now send and receive data over greater distances and in real time thanks to advancements in communication technology. Drones can maintain connectivity even in far-off places because to high-frequency radio transmission, cell phone networks, and satellite connections. This development is essential for uses in drone swarms, surveillance, and remote sensing. **7. Software and Control Systems:** To make operating drones easier, sophisticated software platforms and control systems have been developed. Drone operation is made more approachable to a larger range of users via user-friendly interfaces, flight planning software, and pre-programmed missions. Additionally, software updates that improve drone performance and fix security issues are simple to implement. **8. Collision Avoidance and Safety Features:** In order to prevent crashes, modern collision avoidance systems use sensors and cameras to identify obstructions and automatically change flight trajectories. Both commercial and recreational drone users must have these safety features to lower the possibility of mishaps and property damage. **9. Drone Swarms and Cooperative Behavior:** Drone swarms are being studied more and more, allowing several drones to function in unison. These swarms can cooperate to carry out difficult tasks that a single drone couldn't. Algorithms for cooperative behaviour ensure that swarm members move, communicate, and share data in unison. **10. Integration with IoT and Edge Computing:** Drones are getting increasingly linked with edge computing and the Internet of Things (IoT). Drones may smoothly communicate data with other connected systems and devices thanks to this connection. Drones may collect data from a variety of sources, process it internally, and communicate just the information that is actually needed. This decreases latency and increases efficiency. The second part of the explainer shall focus on the complexities of nano drones, investigating their fundamental traits, applicability across several industries, technical difficulties, moral dilemmas, and fascinating future potential. **Disclaimer:** This is an exclusive article curated by Emergen Research. It does not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Strong Demand for Silver Nanoparticles Resumes Post Pandemic > Nanotechnology has emerged as a critical technology with a plethora of commercial applications across industries. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/strong-demand-for-silver-nanoparticles-resumes-post-pandemic - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Suchita Gupta - Published: 18 August 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Nanotechnology - Reading time: 3 min · 716 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/strong-demand-for-silver-nanoparticles-resumes-post-pandemic-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Nanotechnology has emerged as a critical technology with a plethora of commercial applications across industries. Silver nanoparticles have become one of the most widely used nanomaterials with applications in fields ranging from medicine and pharmaceuticals to agriculture and food processing. --- Silver nanoparticles have become one of the most widely used nanomaterials with applications in fields ranging from medicine and pharmaceuticals to agriculture and food processing. The Asia-Pacific region leads the market share in silver nanoparticles and is projected to remain the dominant force in this industry, driven by states such as China, India and South Korea. Nanotechnology is a rapidly emerging field owing to its unique functionality and a wide array of applications. Silver nanoparticles (AgNPs) with diameters ranging from 1 to 100 nm are one of the most preferred and widely used nanomaterials due to their high electrical conductivity, optical properties, anticancer properties, wide spectrum of anti-microbial properties, wound healing and other therapeutic abilities, and their cost-effectiveness in production. In addition, researchers have shown a great deal of interest in silver nanoparticles because of their unique activity against a large range of microorganisms and their resistance against commonly used antibiotics. Silver nanoparticles are utilised in a number of fields including biomedical and medical remediation, healthcare products, pharmaceuticals, in diagnostics, orthopedics, drug delivery, agriculture and agro-based industries, consumer products, food processing and more. The production of silver nanoparticles includes physical, chemical and biological synthesis methods. Each of these methods has its own pros and cons. Biological methods based on natural products obtained from plant sources and microorganisms are mostly preferred, owing to low cost, high yields, and low toxicity on the human body and the environment. In the last fifteen years, the silver nanoparticles market has been growing steadily, with an estimated production of more than 500 tons of nanoparticles per year to fulfil the demand from various end use industries. According to a report published by Allied Market Research, the global silver nanoparticles market size is registered to reach USD 6.6 billion with a considerable cumulative annual growth rate (CAGR) from 2021 to 2030. The growth of the market is attributed to factors such as an increase in demand from the electronics sector, a surge in the trend of the biological synthesis method, and a rise in demand for silver nanoparticles for anti-microbial applications. Furthermore, a significant rise in demand from the pharmaceutical industry for the usage in the field of biomarkers, biosensors, tissue engineering, implant technology, nanomedicine and nanorobots, and image enhancement devices is boosting the market growth even more. Currently, the Asia-Pacific region holds the highest market share in AgNPs and is also anticipated to have the fastest growth rate during the forecasted period. Numerous factors including the expansion of the electronics, healthcare and pharmaceutical sectors in leading Asia-Pacific economies like China, India, South Korea and others are propelling the market growth in the region. China is the leading provider of nanoparticles in the region. Given the growing demand in the region, the major market players are adopting a variety of business strategies including the launch of new products, partnerships, collaborations, acquisitions, joint ventures and business expansions with an aim to stay competitive in the silver nanoparticles market. For instance, two companies named Nano Composix and Amplicon Biotech have recently signed an agreement to increase their product distribution to consumers across India. However, there have also been significant challenges faced by the industry in recent years. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic caused a negative impact on the global silver nanoparticles market. The implementation of stringent lockdowns, travel restrictions and social distancing norms affected the demand and supply of silver nanoparticles. Manufacturing hubs were temporarily closed due to a lack of labour and the unavailability of raw materials. Research and development programs on nano silver in various applications such as electronics and textiles were also hindered, especially in the initial period of the pandemic. End use industries such as electronics, textiles and others were severely impacted, which in turn, disturbed the demand for silver nanoparticles. Still, it was not entirely a case of doom and gloom for the market during the pandemic either. The demand for silver nanoparticles from industries such as pharmaceuticals and food and beverages experienced a steep increase during the pandemic. This factor has helped the market for AgNPs to recover rapidly in the post-pandemic phase. **Browse More Details:**  [https://www.alliedmarketresearch.com/silver-nanoparticles-market-A06923](https://www.alliedmarketresearch.com/silver-nanoparticles-market-A06923) **Disclaimer:** This is an exclusive thought leadership article curated by Allied Market Research. It does not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of  Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Walking the Talk: Should Biden Govt Cancel Decades Old S&T Pact With China? > ​The USA-China Science and Technology Agreement (STA), first agreed in 1979, is up for renewal by 27 August. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/walking-the-talk-should-biden-govt-cancel-decades-old-s-t-pact-with-china - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Uday Nitin Patil - Published: 8 August 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: S&T Policy - Reading time: 6 min · 1284 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/walking-the-talk-should-biden-govt-cancel-decades-old-s-t-pact-with-china-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** ​The USA-China Science and Technology Agreement (STA), first agreed in 1979, is up for renewal by 27 August. The agreement, which has been renewed every five years since, has met with strong opposition from various quarters in the U.S. legislature and even in the executive branches. --- The agreement, which has been renewed every five years since, has met with strong opposition from various quarters in the U.S. legislature and even in the executive branches. As yet, there has been no clear insight into the Joe Biden administration’s intent regarding the extension. With elections due next year, how the USA deals with this issue is shaping up as a fascinating flashpoint regarding how tough President Biden is willing to be on China. August 2023 is shaping up to be a significant month in the ongoing USA-China geopolitical competition. While there have been noteworthy visits of high-ranking officials from the USA to China over the past couple of months, the easing of tensions between the two sides could well hinge on the renewal or repeal of a landmark, decades-old agreement later this month. The USA-China Science and Technology Agreement (STA), first agreed in 1979, is up for renewal by 27 August. The State Department has so far refrained from providing an insight into the Joe Biden administration’s intent regarding the extension. However, in certain quarters of the U.S. legislature, there is strong opposition towards renewing the deal. What the administration chooses to do is shaping up as a fascinating flashpoint regarding how tough President Biden is willing to be on China. ## The Context In recent months, the USA has been attempting to navigate the complex challenges in its relationship with China which soured dramatically following last year's visit of the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, to Taiwan. Things took a further turn for the worse following the incident earlier this year involving a Chinese spy balloon. The Biden administration has been exerting considerable effort to re-engage Beijing in negotiations, aiming to restore a sense of normalcy in bilateral relations. However, domestic developments within the USA could potentially impact these endeavours of the government. The STA has become a key source of concern, particularly among Republican lawmakers in the USA. In June 2023, Representative Mike Gallagher from Wisconsin and a group of nine fellow Republican House members requested the State Department [to permit the lapse](https://thechinaproject.com/2023/07/21/john-kerry-aims-to-repair-climate-cooperation-with-china-while-republicans-push-for-isolation/) of the agreement. The STA has been renewed by the USA every five years since 1979, when diplomatic ties were first established between the two countries. The most recent renewal occurred in 2018, during the tenure of a Republican President in Donald Trump. So what is causing the current call to abrogate the agreement? **Why is the STA important?** Since 1979, the STA has provided a platform for scientists in the USA and China to engage in collaborative efforts spanning fields like physics, chemistry and health. According to [John Holdren](https://www.axios.com/2023/08/05/china-us-tensions-science-technology-agreement-renewal), the director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy during the Barack Obama administration, the signing of the STA represented a type of authorization that facilitated cooperation between laboratories, universities and scientists. The agreement not only sanctioned the idea of collaboration but also conferred respectability upon it. Holdren highlights that enhanced collaboration has played a crucial role in nurturing personal connections between American and Chinese scientists. Many of these individuals later assumed senior positions in their respective governments and utilised these established relationships to address science-related matters of shared concern. The STA, along with the agreements between federal research agencies in both countries, has streamlined the [exchange of information](https://www.axios.com/2023/08/05/china-us-tensions-science-technology-agreement-renewal) encompassing areas such as satellites, climate studies, seismic activity, fusion research and investigations into subatomic particles. Within the framework of the STA, federal agencies in the United States have orchestrated a wide array of research programs, projects, centres, meetings and knowledge exchanges across domains such as chemistry, physics, climate science, energy research, agriculture and health. This cooperative framework has played a pivotal role in China’s shift away from ozone-depleting CFCs, and facilitated exchange of critical influenza data that was instrumental in the development of annual vaccines. ## Current Developments In a letter to Secretary of State Antony Blinken, 10 Republican Congressmen led by Mike Gallagher, the chair of the U.S. House of Representatives’ Select Committee on China, articulated their [opposition](https://www.eurasiantimes.com/us-looks-to-cripple-chinese-military-tech-by-scrapping-decades/) to the STA renewal. Their concerns stem from a particular incident in February 2023, wherein Beijing was accused of utilising a “balloon technology” to spy on U.S. military sites. The STA came under the cross-hairs of Gallagher and co since the spy balloon was reminiscent of a technology developed through an STA collaborative initiative between the China Meteorological Administration and the USA's National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Furthermore, the [lawmakers](https://www.eurasiantimes.com/us-looks-to-cripple-chinese-military-tech-by-scrapping-decades/) accused China of using academic researchers, industrial espionage and forced technology transfers to secure an upper hand in pivotal technologies. This, in turn, is believed to be bolstering the modernization efforts of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Citing these factors, the legislators built a case against extending the STA, asserting that China employs an array of strategies to establish a technological advantage and to reinforce the PLA. Meanwhile, advocates for extending the agreement contend that discontinuing the STA would hinder collaborative efforts in both academic and commercial domains. They emphasise that the absence of the agreement would result in the USA losing valuable insights into China’s technological advancements. While the prevailing inclination in the USA had been along these lines for nearly all of the STA's past renewals, such views are increasingly getting drowned out. There is a growing faction of officials and legislators who are becoming more sceptical about the relevance of science and technology cooperation in light of the intensifying competition between the two nations. [Reports suggest](https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/world/archives/2023/06/19/2003801782) differing opinions are emerging within the U.S. government, including the State Department. These opinions range from renewing the agreement, letting it expire, or renegotiating it to incorporate safeguards against industrial espionage and mandating reciprocal data exchanges. [U.S. officials are said](https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/world/archives/2023/06/19/2003801782) to believe that attempting to renegotiate the agreement could disrupt bilateral ties, which are delicately poised as is. Meanwhile, U.S. businesses have consistently raised concerns about China’s policies mandating technology transfer. Moreover, experts have raised alarms about state-backed theft, encompassing a range of items from Monsanto’s crop seeds to proprietary information about NASA’s space shuttle designs. On the other hand, observations made by the [Global Times](https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202306/1292859.shtml) suggest that China already views the current dynamics driven by the USA’s containment strategy as having significantly eroded the STA. China has long seen the agreement as a cornerstone for fostering collaborative endeavours in high technology sectors. The Communist Party of China’s mouthpiece argues that repealing the agreement would carry symbolic implications, suggesting a lack of genuine commitment by the U.S. towards fostering mutually beneficial cooperation. ## Renewal Maybe Better China has been grappling with the repercussions of the chip export embargo that the U.S. introduced in October 2022. Chinese experts have expressed their discontent with these measures, characterising them as “[technological warfare](https://apnews.com/article/china-us-technology-processor-chips-tsmc-58b4d9bd2ba6543a9583cc3b49a9cc57)”. Should the extension of the STA not materialise, it will further contribute to the catalogue of U.S. actions categorised as technological confrontations by Beijing. Amid the myriad factors shaping the present state of relations, a decision not to extend the STA is likely to adversely impact peace and stability. While the recent visits by high-level U.S. delegations may not have yielded groundbreaking outcomes, they have established a foundation for potential dialogue as well as cooperation. Therefore, allowing the STA to lapse at this juncture would be detrimental to the status of the bilateral relationship. Considering that a worsening of ties between the USA and China is likely to have systemic effects that could potentially draw in other powers such as India, it may be best for the moment to not stir the hornet’s nest any further. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Lights, Camera, Propaganda: Information Warfare in Ukraine War > The ongoing war in Ukraine is just the latest theater where modern-day information warfare is playing out. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/lights-camera-propaganda-information-warfare-in-ukraine-war - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Yashika Sharma - Published: 6 August 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Conflicts - Reading time: 4 min · 892 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/lights-camera-propaganda-information-warfare-in-ukraine-war-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The ongoing war in Ukraine is just the latest theater where modern-day information warfare is playing out. As the conflict persists, people all over the world are relying on media outlets to get the latest information of the ground realities. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult to differentiate between factual reportage and propaganda masquerading as news. --- As the conflict persists, people all over the world are relying on media outlets to get the latest information of the ground realities. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult to differentiate between factual reportage and propaganda masquerading as news. “The first casualty when war comes is truth.” Hiram Johnson’s observations during World War I are certainly applicable to this day. The ongoing war in Ukraine is just the latest theater where modern-day information warfare is playing out. The practice of information warfare is being carried out by both the West and Russia, alongside many third party countries fiddling with the facts and figures of the conflict. The shadow of the Cold War, despite it formally ending in 1991, still looms large over the geopolitics of today. The Russia-Ukraine war, in significant parts, is a culmination of a historical conflict, the roots of which goes back to the Soviet era. With the disbanding of the Soviet Union, Ukraine has repeatedly advocated for their own political and cultural identity. Russia’s apprehensions regarding Ukraine’s bid to join NATO (the US led Western military bloc) has been the prime driver for this proxy war in Ukraine between Russia and NATO. Ukraine is not only adjacent to Russia’s borders but is also considered by Russia as part of its cultural and historical backyard. Simultaneously, as the contours of warfare are rapidly changing, the West and Russia are engaged in ways that go far beyond military logistics: information, economic and psychological warfare are the other involved dimensions. ## World War II Origins Modern-day information warfare and the use of propaganda is not new. It dates back to World War II, when the USA used countless feature films with war themes to shape the public opinion. The main aim behind this was to interpret for US citizens the motives of the enemy (who in this case were largely Germany and Japan) and the necessity of defeating them. According to a report by the University of Tennessee, during 1943, at least 18 Anti-German/Nazi movies were released. These feature films were used to propagate the “American Ideals” to audiences in and out of America and to justify the fighting and use of violence to defend the “Great American Ideals”. When the showbusiness for war movies began, along came the music propaganda as well. Political music was used in such films to influence and cater to political judgements. Entertainment became a source of instilling wartime patriotism and international brotherhood against fascism and totalitarianism. These films left a resounding impact on the minds of the people about the “American Dream”. Feature films were a new medium for the society and the audience was raw enough to take in all the information without any objections. This trend continued into the Cold War. Both the Soviet Union and the USA used cinema as an effective weapon in order to unify the viewers under one bandwidth to justify their actions. They used the power of broadcast media to promote their own political ideologies and to spread propaganda about the other. The USA promoted the American ideals of a capitalist society in contrast to Communism and embodied the threat posed by the Soviet Union through films like Red Dawn and Invasion USA. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union tried to project the American dream as the American nightmare through movies like Meeting at the Elbe and The Fall of Berlin. ## Propaganda in the Present Day Social Media is increasingly acquiring a massive influence over the public discourse by the day. Social media giants like Instagram, Tik-Tok and Twitter are all faced with the same problem of having to continuously fact-check relentless propaganda and moderate the content on their platforms. In recent times, powerful nations like the USA and Russia have started using several social media and streaming platforms for their benefit. Russia, for instance, has been accused of heavily censoring news and media outlets. Meanwhile, Netflix, which has over 1 million estimated subscribers in Russia, was directed to broadcast Channel One to promote the Kremlin’s propaganda across the country. The streaming giant retaliated by pulling out from Russia. The same pattern of preaching propaganda was seen in the West as well. For example, in the latest season of the Netflix show, The Crown, one scene incorporated the Russia-Ukraine conflict as a radio coverage of the 1990s. This helps demonstrate the length of the conflict and shows that Ukraine has been attempting to part from the Soviet Union since the Cold War period. From spreading propaganda and disinformation to manipulating and moulding the public opinion, both sides in this conflict have ruthlessly used the internet, print and broadcast media to rig the information about the ground reality and to influence notions against each other. As the conflict persists, people all over the world are relying on media outlets to get the latest information of the ground realities. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult to differentiate between factual reportage and propaganda masquerading as news. In this situation, it becomes the moral obligation of the public to not blindly follow the media and any presumptions they hold but to double check and verify the information from independent sources wherever possible. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Israel, a Dependable Partner in India’s Aatma Nirbhar Ambitions > Diplomatic ties between India and Israel have existed for over three decades now. Defence sector cooperation has been the cornerstone of this relationship. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/israel-a-dependable-partner-in-india-s-aatma-nirbhar-ambitions - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Ardra R - Published: 23 July 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: S&T Policy, Military - Reading time: 5 min · 1079 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/israel-a-dependable-partner-in-india-s-aatma-nirbhar-ambitions-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Diplomatic ties between India and Israel have existed for over three decades now. Defence sector cooperation has been the cornerstone of this relationship. Through thick and thin, Israel has proved to be a dependable partner for India’s growing ambitions. --- Through thick and thin, Israel has proved to be a dependable partner for India’s growing ambitions. More Indo-Israeli joint ventures can not only help meet India’s goals of self-reliance, they can also emerge as prominent players in the global defence industry. The year 2023 marks the 31st anniversary of diplomatic relations between India and Israel. The recent visit of Israel’s foreign minister Eli Kohen to India, on the 9th of May 2023 may be viewed against this backdrop. The discussions mostly revolved around defence, while means to strengthen relations in areas including agriculture, water, security, trade, and regional connectivity also featured prominently. An important outcome of the bilateral talks was the signing of a mobility pact between both the countries. The pact essentially allows about 42,000 Indian employees to work in Israel, mostly in the nursing and construction fields. Amid growing strategic convergences and trust, the India-Israel partnership can evolve as a mutually beneficial one in the coming years. Greater cooperation between the two countries is of immense significance for 21st Century geopolitics. ## India-Israel Defence Ties: Through Thick and Thin Diplomatic relations between India and Israel were officially established in 1992. The two countries came together in the backdrop of the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. Until then, the Soviet Union had been India’s major defence partner and supplier of military equipment. The collapse of the regime posed an unprecedented challenge to India, which needed to diversify its sources of defence procurement. Israel, a country that possessed sophisticated weaponry and defence technologies, presented an attractive option. Mutual trust and understanding between the two countries have only grown stronger since then. Even after several countries stepped back from extending military assistance to India following the 1998 Pokhran nuclear tests, Israel proved to be as consistent as ever. Israel continued to supply India with vital equipment including [laser guided bombs,](https://www.britannica.com/technology/laser-guided-bomb) [unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs),](https://www.britannica.com/technology/unmanned-aerial-vehicle) [Spyder-MR air defence systems,](https://www.rafael.co.il/worlds/air-missile-defense/air-defense/) [Python-5 missiles](https://www.airforce-technology.com/projects/python-5-air-to-air-missile-aam-rafael-israel/), [Derby BVRAAM (Beyond Visual Range air-to-air Missile),](https://www.airforce-technology.com/projects/derby-bvr-air-to-air-missile/#:~:text=Derby%20(Alto)%20is%20a%20beyond,needs%20of%20the%20armed%20forces.) to mention a few. In the contemporary scenario, India sees Israel as playing a major role in fulfilling its growing defence procurement needs. India has consistently been among the biggest importers in the military sector, accounting for about 3.7% of the worldwide military spending in 2020. As a result, the defence sector has been one of the main areas of thrust under the drive for ‘Aatma Nirbhar Bharat’ (Self-Reliant India). As per the policy, India’s defence ministry has laid a strong emphasis on indigenisation in the defence sector, an endeavour where cooperation with Israeli companies in establishing joint ventures in India has been vital. ## Shalom Israel: Easing the Regulatory Environment The defence relations between India and Israel have picked up substantial momentum in recent years. Mechanisms such as the India-Israel Joint Working Group (JWG) have helped build trust and confidence among the two partners. The 15th JWG meeting on bilateral defence cooperation held in October 2021 at Tel Aviv, charted out a 10-year roadmap for defence cooperation between the countries. India has enacted a number of policies to create a favourable regulatory environment to ease cooperation with valued partners such as Israel in the defence sector. The [Strategic Partnership Model](https://pib.gov.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=177295) introduced in 2017 seeks to establish long-term strategic partnerships with global [Original Equipment Manufacturers.](https://www.investopedia.com/terms/o/oem.asp) It emphasises upon building a transparent and competitive process of manufacturing equipment. Meanwhile, a 2019 notification issued by the Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion (DIPP) under the Ministry of Commerce and Industry has strived to liberalise the manufacturing of defence components in India. [The Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP)](https://www.makeinindia.com/defense-acquisition-procedure), introduced in 2020 further looks to transform India into a global manufacturing hub of indigenously developed weapons and equipment. The government has also made room for increased Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in the defence sector to 74%, through Automatic Route, and 100% by government route, for companies seeking license. Additionally, India aims to foster self-reliance and boost exports under the [Defence Production and Export Promotion Policy (DPEP)](https://www.vifindia.org/article/2020/september/16/defence-production-and-export-promotion-policy-2020-effective-implementation-is-the-key#:~:text=Visiting%20DPEPP%202020&text=The%20Policy%20lists%20several%20goals,Intellectual%20Property%20(IP)%20etc.) introduced in 2020. Drawing impetus from historically good relations, these regulatory changes have arguably encouraged Israeli private companies to make their forays into the Indian market. Besides, India’s provision of low-cost manufacturing with high skilled labour, is a significant attraction for Israeli firms. Furthermore, industry bodies such as the Society of Indian Defence Manufacturers (SIDM) and SIBAT, the international defence cooperation directorate of the Israel Ministry of Defence (IMOD), have also taken interest in organizing foreign delegations and in identifying opportunities for defence cooperation. India’s fast-growing military industry presents a significant opportunity for global defence manufacturers, including for Israeli firms. The potential for a high return on investment for Indo-Israeli joint ventures in the defence sector was recently highlighted with the USD 100 million (Rs. 684 crore) contract cornered by the Kalyani Rafael Advanced Systems (KRAS). KRAS, a joint venture between Israel’s Rafael Advanced Defence Systems and India’s Kalyani Strategic Systems (which owns a 51% share), was [contracted](https://www.overtdefense.com/2019/07/16/indian-firm-wins-100m-order-for-barak-8-surface-to-air-missiles/) to supply about 1000 BARAK-8 MRSAM (Medium Range Surface to Air Missile) missile kits to the Indian Armed Forces. ## An Expanding Partnership The defence sector cooperation between India and Israel has paved the way for a growing synergy in relations between the two countries. Improved ties with Israel seem to be boosting the perception of India’s diplomatic heft in West Asia. The foreign ministers of India, Israel, the United States and the United Arab Emirates held a virtual summit in October 2021. This has been [hailed](https://www.dw.com/en/can-india-and-israel-help-drive-cooperation-in-the-middle-east/a-59563532) as “a first step towards expanding quadrilateral cooperation” in the region. This framework has since got crystallised as the I2U2 grouping and is expected to allow India to deepen its engagement with Israel without harming its relationship with Arab states. India has been attempting to leverage its manpower in order to enhance capabilities in fields such as shipbuilding, precision machining and electronics assembly. The cooperation with Israel can aid India’s efforts to emerge as an Original Equipment Manufacturer. The two countries can pool together their expertise and resources to develop and manufacture cutting edge technologies. Such an initiative would reduce developmental costs while also paving the way for joint export ventures. The growing cooperation between India and Israel spanning areas of joint research, manufacturing and production, exports, and technical assistance is much needed for the sustainment of both the countries in the contemporary world order. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Combating Gaming Jihad: India Needs Families and Communities to Stand Up > The risk of terror groups indoctrinating youth through video games requires an all-of-community effort to beat back. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/combating-gaming-jihad-india-needs-families-and-communities-to-stand-up - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Dheeraj Paramesha Chaya - Published: 15 July 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Special Features - Reading time: 7 min · 1705 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/combating-gaming-jihad-india-needs-families-and-communities-to-stand-up-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Game, Set, Jihad?! Combating the growing menace of radicalisation in the gaming world is not just a job for policing and intelligence agencies. Children and young adults are the largest takers for graphic video games and those at most risk of being targeted by radical groups. --- Game, Set, Jihad?! Combating the growing menace of radicalisation in the gaming world is not just a job for policing and intelligence agencies. Children and young adults are the largest takers for graphic video games and those at most risk of being targeted by radical groups. With India’s gaming market poised to become the world’s largest, the risk of Pakistan-based terror groups following the IS model of indoctrinating youth through video games would require an all-of-community effort to beat back. An incident of an alleged religious conversion through a gaming platform in Ghaziabad, UP, popularised the term ‘gaming jihad’ in India. Living up to its declining reputation, the Indian media reportage on the incident remained polarised between the [right](https://organiser.org/2023/06/06/177519/bharat/heard-of-game-jihad-here-are-detail-of-how-three-hindus-a-jain-boy-started-offering-namaz-while-playing-online-game/#:~:text=On%20June%204%2C%20the%20police,shocking%20revelations%20about%20the%20matter.) and the [left](https://www.newslaundry.com/2023/06/19/the-truth-behind-gaming-jihad-how-media-skipped-facts-to-manufacture-a-story). Politically too, the incident served as an opportune event for [parties](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wicLMReYGTU) to score brownie points at the cost of social harmony. The UP police have [apprehended](https://twitter.com/ghaziabadpolice/status/1665325951197286400?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1665325951197286400%7Ctwgr%5E9cc41613d4f45706b7913cd634b461486598e63f%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fen.rattibha.com%2Fthread%2F1668293782054338564) the accused, and a month later the episode is buried deep in public memory. In a sense, this brief narrative covers all the key players on the Indian ‘radicalisation’ stage – polarised political parties, dishonest media, and religious extremists. The only addition here is the gaming platform. At this stage, although it would be difficult to accurately estimate the existing threat of radicalisation in India’s gaming world or predict its future trajectory, it is safe to say that a discussion on preventing the threat from expanding is warranted. The term ‘gaming jihad’ is not entirely an Indian invention. It has been in use in [academia](https://www.amazon.com/Terrorism-Century-Advances-Digital-Forensics/dp/1799897559) to denote the Islamic State’s (IS) use of “shooter games and violent imagery to attract young recruits”. Besides IS, there is growing evidence of right-wing extremists in the US using gaming platforms to radicalise youth by spreading racist, misogynist or extremist content. In effect, gaming platforms have served as mediums for recruitment, propaganda, networking, and mobilisation of extremists. Pakistan’s Jamaat-ud Dawa (JUD), the front organisation of the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), has also begun using games to brainwash youngsters into taking arms against India. With such an external and internal security threat development within the gaming spaces and an expanding [gaming market](https://www.cxotoday.com/press-release/indias-gaming-industry-emerging-as-worlds-largest-gaming-hub-with-a-focus-on-digital-entertainment-and-cutting-edge-innovations/#:~:text=The%20gaming%20market%20in%20India,State%20of%20India%20Gaming%20report.) in India poised to be the world’s largest soon, a diagnosis of the problem and exploration of potential solutions is in order. ## Diagnosis of the Problem Broadly speaking, gaming platforms serve as sources of indoctrination and/or platforms for covert communication for radicalised members. In the former, the content of the game is designed to instill certain values aligning with the ideology of radicalised groups. The challenge in identifying and containing this form of radicalisation stems from the subjectivity associated with determining radicalising content. Unless the content of the game is explicitly ‘othering’ such as [ethnic cleansing](https://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/intelligence-report/2002/games-extremists-play), or the game that glorified the [Christchurch shooter](https://www.reuters.com/article/us-newzealand-shooting-censor-idUSKBN1XA0D5), it is difficult to build a consensus around whether or not a particular content can lead to radicalisation. It relates back to the popular perception regarding violent video games having a negative effect on the gamers’ real-life behaviour. However, numerous academic studies have shown little to no correlation between violence in video games and real-world behaviour. Similarly, interpretation of the video games’ content as racist, misogynist, or extremist could well be a reflection of the bias of the observer and not indicative of any real-life implications on the gamers. The latter source of radicalisation presented by the gaming platforms is not the content of the games, but the people that inhabit the gaming spaces. Even in the Ghaziabad incident, the culprit was not the content of the game but how certain individuals had manipulated the structure of the game to trap innocent gamers. It has been alleged that the perpetrators dominated the games and conditioned progress in the game to recitation of certain Quranic verses. The anonymity offered by the gaming platforms allowed the perpetrators to mask their identity and pretend to be Hindus whilst the privacy accorded by the gaming chatrooms granted them the much-needed protection from intelligence and security agencies. Therefore, beyond the content of the games whose influence on radicalisation remains ambiguous lies the covert element of the gaming spaces that undeniably contributes towards radicalisation and terrorism. Yet, when exploring the relationship between radicalisation and gaming in India, a third dimension that does not reside within the gaming world also needs consideration. The content of the games, if found hurting religious sentiments, can be provocative to people outside the gaming world and result in law and order disturbances. This was evident 14 years ago when India’s first console game Hanuman: Boy Warrior was launched. A [controversy](https://kotaku.com/indias-first-game-gets-indias-first-game-controversy-5217826) had emerged when a certain American Hindu group had raised objections to a deity being trivialised in the game. In an era predating the arrival of social media, the episode did not garner much attention or cause severe law and order issues. However, if the examples of [public reaction](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/hindi/bollywood/news/protests-violence-arson-mar-day-before-padmaavat-release/articleshow/62635464.cms) to some of the recent cinemas with purportedly offensive content are to go by, one cannot underestimate the threat posed by games with religious content to the public at large. ## Probable Solutions Owing to such a scenario, administering any one solution to a complex problem with multiple actors is unlikely to produce favourable results. It is in this regard that various countries adopt differing approaches to tackle the challenge of radicalisation. India will need to chart its own course by implementing measures across the domains observed below. *Content Regulation* Tackling ‘content’ related challenge posed by gaming platforms can take either the American approach or the Chinese approach. Unable to completely remove IS’ games from the internet, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) came up with its own game to counter IS propaganda. Calling it Slippery Slope, the game aimed to lure American youth away from radicalisation. However, the game was [declared](https://kotaku.com/the-fbi-made-a-video-game-and-it-sucks-1758105036) “awful, out-of-touch” and eventually “it sucks”. Whilst the IS aims to appeal to the tech savvy youth through its advanced game designing skills, the FBI’s attempt at counter design had clearly failed. On the other hand is the Chinese approach that froze all video games for a nine month period and then permitted only those that complied with the [state regulations](https://www.reuters.com/technology/china-gaming-firms-toe-line-paving-way-end-licence-freeze-2022-04-12/). These included removal of English words, especially ones such as “headshots” and “death”, elimination of any religious content, and organised training programmes for developers to emphasise the importance of “correct set of values”. India could adopt a mixed approach to content regulation. Instead of committing the American mistake, India could take the Saudi route and invest in private gaming firms and seek development of appealing content that can lure the youth away from radicalising games. Where games are emanating from inimical states, the Chinese way of blocking is the easiest – something that India has done with Pakistani and Chinese apps. *Intelligence Gathering* The sheer expanse of the gaming spaces makes it impossible for even the most well-funded intelligence agencies in the world to monitor. Since 2007, the American National Security Agency (NSA) and the British General Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) have tried to tackle the challenge of extremism emanating from the gaming spaces. However, considering the large volume of data to sift through and the low evidence of terrorists participating in the games, the agencies were compelled to [outsource](https://www.propublica.org/article/world-of-spycraft-intelligence-agencies-spied-in-online-games) monitoring to private players. These actors were able to create fake online personas to infiltrate private chatrooms and collect vital information. In the aftermath of the Pentagon data leak that revealed important details about the Russia-Ukraine War among many others on a gaming platform, the US is ramping up its [monitoring](https://www.leefang.com/p/private-spies-hired-by-the-fbi-and) of such spaces. Notwithstanding the complexities involved in international intelligence cooperation, there is merit in exploring avenues for India to improve cooperation with the US for timely sharing of intelligence or exchange of technological knowhow. Besides the US and the UK, India could also consider partnering with countries such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which faces a similar threat of radicalisation through gaming from actors based in [Iran and the Hamas](https://www.weeklyblitz.net/counterterrorism/iran-looks-for-spreading-jihad-in-the-uae-through-online-gaming/) while also making vast investments in areas such as artificial intelligence (AI) that can enable greater monitoring of these spaces. *Parenting and Community Policing* Considering the challenges and limits to intelligence gathering, policing becomes crucial. Notwithstanding the large body of studies conducted on gaming and radicalisation, no scholar is able to precisely identify signs of vulnerability. This is also reflected in the large volume of [false positives and false negatives](https://opo.iisj.net/index.php/osls/article/view/1295/1399) produced in the Prevent referrals – UK’s counter extremism strategy. However, India has presented a promising example of [successful community policing](https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/community-policing-as-a-tool-for-internal-security-management/) against radicalisation owing to its familial and societal structures. Therefore, pursuant with the existing logic of allowing family members and community elders to observe and report radicalising behaviour among the youth, the responsibility of monitoring the activities of gamers within the gaming spaces should also be impressed on the families and communities. *Education, Health and Academic Responses* Finally, radicalisation, being an issue in the psychological domain, requires educational and mental health solutions. This is because radicalisation emanating from the gaming spaces is essentially one of [“identity fusion”](https://www.weeklyblitz.net/counterterrorism/iran-looks-for-spreading-jihad-in-the-uae-through-online-gaming/). As a condition where a person’s social identity begins to overpower the individual identity, it occurs among gamers largely due to a lack of a proper support system in real life. Like radicalisation in social media occurs when strangers connect and form a sense of community by means of ‘othering’, gaming platforms too present a similar challenge. In this regard, a better dialogue between the civil society and the health and educational sector is important in improving the psychological conditioning of the youth. Yet, to facilitate this, better ethnographic studies on gamers is necessary. The motivations, behaviours, and responses in the gaming spaces need to be mapped thoroughly to shape better educational and health policies to curb radicalisation. As the Indian demographic profile shifts, access to the internet eases and expands, and the gaming industry moves increasingly towards [user-generated content](https://www.forbes.com/sites/forbestechcouncil/2023/01/19/the-dawn-of-the-user-generated-content-era-four-trends-you-should-know/) (from Web 2.0 to Web 3.0), India will need stronger regulatory frameworks, efficient security architecture, and a healthy social setup to increase financial benefits from the gaming industry while keeping threats of radicalisation at bay. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Technopolitics in the Data Age: The State’s Way or the I-way? > Technopolitics understands technology and politics as a co-constitutive process, each influencing and being influenced by the other. Data and digitalisation today are at the core of this process. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/technopolitics-in-the-data-age-the-state-s-way-or-the-i-way - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Prachi Shree - Published: 8 July 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: S&T Policy, AI - Reading time: 7 min · 1657 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/technopolitics-in-the-data-age-the-state-s-way-or-the-i-way-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Technopolitics understands technology and politics as a co-constitutive process, each influencing and being influenced by the other. Data and digitalisation today are at the core of this process. As with most things capable of influencing power outcomes at a systemic level, a tussle for regulating the digital revolution is presently underway. --- As with most things capable of influencing power outcomes at a systemic level, a tussle for regulating the digital revolution is presently underway. Whether a top-down approach controlled by states and big business or a bottom-up, individual-centric approach of data transparency and privacy wins out could be the defining issue of the 21st Century. Technology can be explicitly understood as an integral component of the global system. Not only does it [shape global affairs](https://www.jstor.org/stable/44218647), but it is also shaped by society’s political, military, economic and cultural changes. [Technology’s consequences have frequently been mixed](https://www.jstor.org/stable/44218647). On the one hand, it has been an enabler in developing the global economic system; on the other hand, it has multiplied the scale of conflicts. Globalisation has contributed to an increased pace of technological diffusion. This has harnessed innovations in different areas and facilitated new forms of [the North-South divide](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4). Digitalisation is one such case in point. Although it has contributed to improved communication, increased connectivity and transparency, higher agility, and lowered operational cost, it has also rendered a digital divide between information haves and have-nots. The internet has dramatically revolutionised global communication by making it more digitised. It is estimated that [2.5 quintillion bytes of data are created every day](https://www.dihuni.com/2020/04/10/every-day-big-data-statistics-2-5-quintillion-bytes-of-data-created-daily/). With the advent of Big Data, the unprecedented availability of data and access to data infrastructures have made digitalisation more aggressive. States and non-state actors have recognised the potential that data holds for their respective businesses. The impact of Big data and the computational opportunities afforded to statistical techniques such as data mining, machine learning, and predictive modelling have made the quantification of social life more effortless. This process is referred to as *datafication*. ## Datafication and Technopolitics [Datafication](https://philpapers.org/rec/VANDAA-11) is the “process of rendering into data, aspects of the world not previously quantified. This means not just demographic or profile data, but also behavioural metadata.” Just like technology, datafication harbours mixed consequences for civic engagement. While it contributes to [ease of administration and surveillance](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4) by governments and corporates, it also offers advocates and citizens [novel prospects for social change](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4). Technopolitics can best understand this sociotechnical engagement with data. Technopolitics helps us[ understand the complexity of integrating new technologies into the power dynamics](https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=78850913002) among political actors. It improves the traditional ways of administration by including more actors in the political agora. [Technopolitics](https://www.jstor.org/stable/20790048) has been defined as “hybrids of technical systems and political practices that produce new forms of power and agency.” This hybrid further transforms into concrete policy positions and material outcomes. This definition understands technology and politics as a co-constitutive process. This concept can be bifurcated into two approaches – the [centralised and the decentralised](https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=78850913002). In the centralised technopolitics practices, the decision-makers or the government increases its power in new technologies to enhance the efficacy and efficiency of the established modes of administration. The state tries to maintain stability using new technologies in this top-down approach. On the other hand, in distributed technopolitics practices, information is co-produced and shared by an individual through overlapping networks. This bottom-up approach is also referred to as democratic technopolitics. ## Centralised Technopolitics, the State’s Way From a centralised technopolitics approach, data is used by governments and corporations for the stability of their regimes and profitability. Global technology companies and IT companies play a significant role in amassing data used by the states in their pursuit of surveillance. The Snowden disclosures provided insights into the joint working of state-corporate surveillance in the United States based on the collection of online activities. The leaks illustrated the [bulk collection and analysis of metadata](https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/5524) by the U.S. National Security Agency (NSA) and the British Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ). Data surveillance has become increasingly invasive with the proliferation of emerging technologies. Snowden’s revelations also brought into the limelight the question of the personal data privacy of citizens in developed democratic countries. Still, this pales in comparison to practices exhibited in authoritarian regimes such as China. State authorities in China have long been controlling the data of their domestic population, primarily to suppress dissent and manage their citizens. The [digital enclosure system](https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv2dzzqqm) used by authorities in China’s Xinjiang province has effectively turned smartphones of Uyghur, Kazakh and Hui ethnic groups into tracking devices. The system that began with the introduction of 2G cellular networks in the province has now provided state authorities and technocrats the ability to watch and control the movements and behaviour of the people in an increasingly intrusive way. A built-in GPS tracking system and an automated biometric system assess patterns of movements. The state authorities have also embarked on constructing [a “safe city” system](https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv2dzzqqm)  in the county-level town of Shawan to make individuals registered in the towns searchable. The system is supported by [Face++](https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv2dzzqqm), a core product of a Beijing-based company named Megvii. This system tracks a wide range of human behaviour such as financial behaviour, migration behaviour, communication behaviour, consumer behaviour, administrative violations and driving behaviour. A digital portrait of each individual is built by amassing all of this data, which further helps determine their typical behaviour and association with others in the community. Every resident in the Xinjiang region has submitted their biometric data to the authorities for a state public health initiative. The cameras are much denser here and are aggressively supported by checkpoints and data surveillance. India, on the other hand, has utilised the power of data for good governance. India’s rapid digital expansion has resulted in India-only digital policies. The complementary levels of digital infrastructure also called India Stack, comprises of open protocol-based frameworks. India Stack is the moniker for open application programming interface (API) and digital goods. It aims to [unlock the economic primitives of data, identity, and payments at a population scale](https://indiastack.org/). The ecosystem has become seamless with digitised mediums like e-Sign, e-KYC, digitised Aadhar information and digital locker. These mediums have converted the entire ecosystem to [paperless and presence less](https://pn.ispirt.in/india-stack-takes-the-digital-india-campaign-to-a-whole-new-level/). The introduction of the Unified Payment Interface (UPI), a real-time payment system, has further paved the way for financial inclusion in the country. UPI is steadily being accepted internationally to enable seamless cross-border transactions. For instance, [Singapore and India have linked their digital payments systems](https://techcrunch.com/2023/02/20/india-singapore-upi-paynow/) UPI and PayNow, to enable instant and low-cost money flow between the two nations. ## Distributed Technopolitics, the ‘I’ Way In the distributed technopolitics approach, the subversive use of technologies is combined with legal and political tools. Political organisations other than state governments use online platforms and tools to facilitate necessary processes [such as idea creation and prioritisation of issues](https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=78850913002). Progressive individuals and organisations use big data and data infrastructure for social change. This is a [manifestation of data activism](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4) and technopolitics from the bottom up. This allows citizens to exercise their democratic agency in times of datafication. The [Latin American continent has nurtured transnational examples of data activism.](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4) Quick access to data infrastructure and availability of funds for data journalism have fostered the emergence of organisations that practice data activism, training and advocacy. For instance, [InfoAmazonia](https://infoamazonia.org/en/about/) is a network of citizens, journalists and organisations spread across eight countries of the endangered region of Amazon. It is an independent media outlet that generates reports on the status of the Amazon tropical forest, aiming to improve the global public’s perception of issues native to the Amazon region. It has been [training campaigners, journalists and communities](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4) to employ satellite imagery and collect data related to forest fires, deforestation, water quality level and other activities happening in the forest. This transnational organisation aims to curb wildfires and deforestation in the Amazon by promoting regional data transparency. InfoAmazonia [gathers data and publishes maps](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4), which involves coding and recoding information. What was once the state’s exclusive privilege has become the general public’s duty. In other words, it has disrupted the ordinary course of events. As a result, the general public’s association with automated data collection has been fundamentally transformed. The digital revolution is full of risks and challenges. Data security is one of the significant challenges that governmental and non-governmental organisations face with aggressive digitisation. This digitisation process has moved [sensitive data away from core infrastructure](https://www.senetas.com/the-changing-face-of-data-security/) to the very edge of the network. Despite this, the levels of encryption remain very low among organisations. This has made data vulnerable to growing attacks day by day. These attacks are commonly carried out by non-state actors leading to disruption in the governance process. In the past few years, Google has been involved in multiple lawsuits over privacy, advertising, intellectual property issues and for products such as YouTube and Google Books. Google has been infamous for multiple data breaches too. The March 2018 data breach was a significant data privacy scandal where [the Google+ API exposed the data of over 500,000 users](https://firewalltimes.com/google-data-breach-timeline/). The bug in Google+ allowed third-party developers to have access to Google+ users’ private data. Such attacks by unauthorised persons or parties jeopardise personal data privacy and have critical implications on a state’s governance and national security. ## The Way Ahead From the above twofold analysis, it is evident that different actors utilise the potential of data to fulfil their respective goals. From a centralised approach, data can be understood as a means to forward the state’s control over its citizens’ data to fulfil its ambitions. On the other hand, by adopting a critical engagement with data, activists challenge the mainstream politics of knowledge by producing counter-expertise and alternative epistemologies. Further, such projects trigger empowering processes when people become witnesses by taking a firm stand and action on a cause. The datafication of the society has led to the conflict of interests between the state and the non-state actors. While the states and corporates vouch for administration, control and surveillance over data, citizens and, more precisely, the data activists advocate for the privacy of their data and a transparent data governance system. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # India-Vietnam Defence Ties a Pillar for Indo-Pacific Stability > India and Vietnam have a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in which defence and security cooperation plays a central role. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/india-vietnam-defence-ties-a-pillar-for-indo-pacific-stability - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Abhyuday Saraswat - Published: 3 July 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: S&T Policy, Military - Reading time: 5 min · 1047 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/india-vietnam-defence-ties-a-pillar-for-indo-pacific-stability-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** India and Vietnam have a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in which defence and security cooperation plays a central role. Both states have growing reservations about China’s aggressive intent in the Indo-Pacific region. The potential for India-Vietnam ties to be a strategic deterrent against threats to regional stability has perhaps never been greater. --- Both states have growing reservations about China’s aggressive intent in the Indo-Pacific region. The potential for India-Vietnam ties to be a strategic deterrent against threats to regional stability has perhaps never been greater. India and Vietnam have a longstanding history of cordial relations rooted in cultural, civilisational and economic ties. In recent years, this relationship has deepened significantly, especially in the realm of defence cooperation. India and Vietnam’s defence partnership is of significant strategic importance, with room for close collaboration in the near future. On 19 June 2023, India’s defence minister Rajnath Singh met with General Phan Van Giang, the minister of national defence of Vietnam. Gen. Giang’s two-day tour coincided with speculation that India may be considering selling BrahMos missiles to Vietnam for USD 625 million. Vietnam has expressed an interest in purchasing BrahMos to bolster its coastal defence operations. ## Strategic Importance The informal ties between India and Vietnam can be traced back to ancient times when Indian traders sailed to Vietnam’s shores, fostering cultural exchange and trade. However, it was during the Cold War era that their bond became stronger due to shared concerns about regional stability and the spread of communism. India supported Vietnam’s struggle for independence, and diplomatic ties were established in 1972. Since then, the defence partnership between the two nations has grown steadily, largely driven by their mutual interests and shared vision for a stable Indo-Pacific region. The first Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence cooperation between India and Vietnam was signed in 1994, marking the beginning of their defence cooperation. The two countries then agreed to jointly conduct military drills, anti-piracy activities in the South China Sea (SCS), and anti-insurgency training in a formal defence protocol signed in March 2000. The sides elevated their ties to that of a Strategic Partnership in 2007, which was further emboldened by entering into a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) in September 2016. Defence and security cooperation has remained a crucial element of the CSP, with both sides stressing the need to strengthen already-existing areas of cooperation. Considering the evolving geopolitical dynamics in the Indo-Pacific, the strategic importance of this defence partnership cannot be overstated. Both countries have faced territorial disputes and challenges to their maritime security, making collaboration in defence crucial. Vietnam, with its long coastline along the South China Sea, has been assertive in safeguarding its sovereignty against competing claims, particularly from China. It continues to be one of Southeast Asia’s strongest critics of China’s unilateral actions in the SCS. The Paracel and Spratly islands are included in China’s self-declared maritime border, known as ‘the nine-dash line’. Among Southeast Asian countries, the SCS territorial and maritime boundary disputes with China primarily involve Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam, as well as Indonesia, albeit to a lesser extent. India, on the other hand, has been steadily enhancing its presence and influence in the region and is viewed by these Southeast Asian states as a potential counterbalance against China’s growing aggression. A strong partnership between India and Vietnam can serve as a strategic deterrent against any potential threat to regional stability. ## Areas of Collaboration The defence partnership between India and Vietnam encompasses a wide range of areas. Military-to-military exchanges, joint training exercises, and high-level visits have become routine, allowing both nations to gain a better understanding of each other’s defence capabilities. Additionally, defence industry cooperation has been a growing aspect of their partnership. India has provided Vietnam with military equipment, including patrol vessels, missiles and radars, bolstering Vietnam’s maritime surveillance capabilities. This not only enhances Vietnam’s defence capabilities but also promotes India’s defence industries, contributing to the “Make in India” initiative. Furthermore, intelligence sharing and cooperation on cybersecurity have emerged as crucial areas of collaboration. As both countries face common non-traditional security challenges such as cyber threats and terrorism, exchanging information and expertise is vital for ensuring national security. This cooperation establishes trust and strengthens bilateral ties, fostering a sense of shared responsibility for addressing common security concerns. ## Future Prospects The India-Vietnam Joint Vision for Peace, Prosperity and People, which was unveiled in December 2020, serves as the foundation for a new era of defence cooperation between the two partners. The implementation of agreements on defence industry cooperation, as well as more frequent high-level and institutionalised exchanges aimed at strengthening the security cooperation are important for the growth of India-Vietnam ties. There is immense potential for further collaboration. Both countries have expressed a commitment to deepening their defence ties through joint research and development, technology transfer, and collaboration in defence production. India’s expertise in advanced defence technologies such as aerospace and naval systems can greatly benefit Vietnam’s defence modernisation efforts. Additionally, the partnership between India and Vietnam can serve as a model for other countries in the region, encouraging greater cooperation and collective security measures. ## Key Takeaways The India-Vietnam defence partnership has evolved significantly over the years, driven by shared interests, historical ties, and the need for regional stability. This partnership is not only crucial for the defence and security of both nations but also contributes to the broader goal of maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. As both countries continue to deepen their collaboration in defence, the future prospects of India-Vietnam relations appear bright. The Indo-Pacific area is geographically centred on India and Vietnam. Both nations would have a significant impact on this strategic area, which is evolving into a key arena for competition among the great powers. The 2020 joint vision statement between India and Vietnam acknowledges the value of this collaboration in tackling the changing geopolitical and geoeconomic scenario in the region and beyond. The breadth and scope of the bilateral defence cooperation has also greatly increased as a result of the Joint Vision Statement on Defence Partnership, which was signed in 2022. Vietnam is a crucial supporter of India’s Act East policy and a crucial ally in its Indo-Pacific strategy. Along with continuing to work together on regional and international problems of mutual interest, the India-Vietnam defence partnership also looks set for exponential growth, having barely scratched the surface of what it could potentially evolve into. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # The Nuclear Fusion Fascination: Miles to Go Before We Sleep > Nuclear fusion has been hyped as the ultimate solution to the most pressing challenges facing humanity including climate change. The technology has the potential to serve as a source of unlimited clean energy. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/the-nuclear-fusion-fascination-miles-to-go-before-we-sleep - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Ishita Maity - Published: 18 June 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Nuclear - Reading time: 6 min · 1279 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/the-nuclear-fusion-fascination-miles-to-go-before-we-sleep-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Nuclear fusion has been hyped as the ultimate solution to the most pressing challenges facing humanity including climate change. The technology has the potential to serve as a source of unlimited clean energy. However, several complex challenges need to be overcome before it can really get there. --- However, several complex challenges need to be overcome before it can really get there. The field of nuclear fusion has witnessed a series of advances over the past few months. Developments on this front have been occurring in leading technology hubs around the world, from the United States of America (USA) to China, Russia, India, South Korea and Europe. This has triggered a newfound fascination with nuclear fusion research. On 5 December 2022, scientists at the National Ignition Facility (NIF) at the Lawrence Livermore Laboratory, California generated more energy from a fusion reaction than the input. The event was a major first in the field and represented a [breakthrough](https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/12/us/fusion-energy-livermore-lab-climate/index.html) in the decades-long effort to replicate the power of the sun on earth. Researchers estimate that continued progress backed by funding will enable the production of 100% pure, inexhaustible energy within the next forty years. The realization of a sustained yet safe nuclear fusion process makes possible the achievement of a potentially limitless source of energy. It therefore presents a solution to tackle the global climate and energy crisis. ## Energy Unlimited: How Nuclear Fusion Works In comparison to nuclear fission which divides the atom, nuclear fusion is the process where atomic nuclei fuse together to form a new atom. Fusion is the fundamental reaction that powers the sun and other stars in the universe. The fusing together of hydrogen atoms effectively enables stars, including the sun, to yield energy in the form of heat and light. However, fusion occurs at the sun’s core at extremely high temperatures of about 100 million degrees Celsius under extreme gravitational pressure. A fusion reactor attempts to replicate such conditions of extreme heat and pressure in a confined environment by creating a [plasma](https://www.pppl.gov/about/about-plasmas-and-fusion), the superheated, charged state of matter composed of electrons and atomic nuclei. A fusion reaction occurs when the temperature of the plasma is maintained above the reactor’s critical ignition temperature. However, maintaining plasma at the required temperatures has been seen to be extremely challenging in practice. Nuclear-fusion based energy generation has several advantages in comparison to nuclear fission, the process used in currently deployed nuclear power plants. Fusion processes entail reduced levels of radioactivity and are said to be safer. Most importantly, fusion does not generate harmful radioactive waste and hence poses less of a threat to the environment. ## Recent Breakthroughs The researchers at NIF achieved fusion ignition for the first time by recreating conditions resembling the sun. Simply put, fusion ignition represents the point where the energy generated either equals or exceeds the energy it was fed. The experiment employed 192 laser beams to fire at a gold canister housing a 0.04-inch (1mm) fuel pellet composed of deuterium and tritium – two isotopes of hydrogen. The fuel pellet was compressed to around twenty times the density of lead and heated up to 3 million degrees Celsius. The gold canister was maintained at a temperature of approximately 100 times hotter than the surface of the sun. During the experiment, the fuel and canister evaporate in a billionth of a second. The reaction only lasted for a few seconds and [damaged](https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/why-nuclear-fusion-wont-solve-the-climate-crisis/) some diagnostic apparatus. However, scientists believe they were able to gauge an accurate reading of the energy generated during the fusion reaction. Meanwhile, China has also been gaining headway in nuclear fusion R&D, although it is not known to have achieved fusion ignition yet. China's Experimental Advanced Superconducting Tokamak (EAST), also known as the “artificial sun” [achieved](https://www.wionews.com/science/record-breaking-chinas-artificial-sun-breaches-another-frontier-sustains-plasma-for-nearly-7-minutes-582110) a significant milestone on 12 April 2023. The EAST was established in 2006 at the Institute of Plasma Physics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (ASIPP) in Hefei, Anhui Province. The tokamak sustained high plasma temperatures for about six-and-a-half minutes. This achievement broke the previous record set in 2017 where high temperatures were sustained for 101 seconds. The reactor had previously managed to successfully preserve plasma for about eighteen minutes at a temperature of about 70 million degrees Celsius in 2018. The reactor has supposedly undergone more than 120,000 tests. Beijing is on track to make another significant advancement in the field after the recent successes. It has reportedly finished designing the Engineering Test Reactor (CFETR), the next-generation artificial sun which is expected to start operating in 2035. ## Challenges Remain Scientists have been progressively upgrading various components and processes associated with nuclear fusion energy generation for many decades. Continuous R&D can make the procedure more effective. However, technical challenges remain. To begin with, lasers were not developed until 1960. The NIF, which can deliver one million joules of energy to a target was regarded as most powerful laser facility in the world when the U.S. government finished building it in 2009. It produces two million joules per second, which is 50 times more energy than the next strongest laser on earth. The [efficiency](https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/why-nuclear-fusion-wont-solve-the-climate-crisis/) of this process can only be increased through employing stronger yet less energy-intensive lasers, which may be achievable. Further, fusion conditions are extremely difficult to maintain. A minor flaw in the fuel or capsule can increase the amount of energy needed and reduce efficiency. Efforts have been made to increase the efficiency of the energy transfer from the laser to the canister and the X-ray radiation transfer from the canister to the fuel capsule. Still, existing technologies can only deliver 10-30 percent of the total laser energy to the canister and the fuel. Challenges also remain with fuel availability. Whereas deuterium, one component of the fuel, is naturally abundant in sea water, tritium is much less common. Tritium is created during fusion; efforts to find a direct technique to extract Tritium or find alternative fuels are still a work in progress. Researchers at Lawrence Livermore did achieve fusion ignition for a few seconds. However, the size of the achievement is far below what would be needed to produce electricity for daily use, much less usher in a new era of clean energy. The estimated power requirements did not account for the power required to construct and outfit the equipment. Ironically, the experimental setup's diagnostic instruments were harmed by the higher-than-expected energy yield, raising questions about whether ignition was achieved. ## Miles to Go In a few decades nuclear fusion could reach a point where it can be considered a green and sustainable energy force. According to [Lev Artsimovich](http://scihi.org/lev-artsimovich-father-tokamak/), who is fondly known as the father of the tokamak, fusion will be present when civilization really needs it. While nuclear fusion offers a solution to solve the world’s climate and energy crises, R&D has a long way to go. Substantial thought needs to be given to any proposition that presents nuclear fusion as the ultimate form of next generation energy. Most of the commercial fusion energy projects rely on various forms of magnetic confinement which presents significant engineering issues. Affordability is also a factor. For instance, the NIF is a facility set up to conduct nuclear weapon research which receives billions of dollars of funding from the US government. Taking the technology from cutting-edge research facilities to integrate the same into a power grid may not be feasible in the current scenario. Challenges are even more for a country like India where nuclear power generation faces obstacles on several fronts ranging from economic to political to infrastructural. However, recent developments in nuclear fusion research and technology ought to increase public interest and financial investment in the area. Moreover, India can look to get ahead through international collaborations such as International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER) and joining hands with its strategic partners. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Technology and India’s Rise: The Missing Link in Indian IR Teaching > As Prime Minister Narendra Modi prepares to embark upon his state visit to the United States later this month, a new paradigm of bilateral cooperation on critical technologies is gaining mileage. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/technology-and-india-s-rise-the-missing-link-in-indian-ir-teaching - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Monish Tourangbam, Anupama Vijayakumar, Vineeth Krishnan - Published: 13 June 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Special Features - Reading time: 5 min · 1046 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/technology-and-india-s-rise-the-missing-link-in-indian-ir-teaching-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** As Prime Minister Narendra Modi prepares to embark upon his state visit to the United States later this month, a new paradigm of bilateral cooperation on critical technologies is gaining mileage. --- As the world stands at an inflection point, and the birth pangs of a new world occupy policy and academic debates, nothing more than emerging technologies, with its lure and pitfalls, amplifies this sense of uncertainty. As a complex competition-cooperation dynamic ensues among major powers to shape the contours of technology governance, it has become imperative to infuse an informed understanding of how technology has affected international affairs in general and the rise of India in particular. While there exists a generic knowledge of India’s multifarious achievements in Science and Technology (S&T), a sharper knowledge needs to be imparted of the synergy between these S&T advances and its role in the kind of power India has become and what she envisions to be. India has waded through some tricky geopolitical waters during its 75 years of independence. The country, even in its early years of independence despite serious adversities coming from lack of resources, always exuded an aspirational scientific temper, and some towering personalities helped shaped its early venture into technological breakthroughs having both civilian and military implications. The advent of breakthrough military technologies and their acquisition have had a pivotal role in the global balance of power. Not only in terms of application, some consequential technologies are also acquired as a matter of status in the international system, as in the case of nuclear weapons. Along with nuclear weapons and several categories of missiles, different technologies operating in land, sea and air domains, also lend strength to a country’s deterrence. Technologies are quintessential eyes and ears of national security, adding to the intelligence, reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities. The growing military applications of outer space, cyberspace and artificial intelligence have opened new boxes of opportunities and risks. Moreover, technologies in their several civilian avatars are at the centre of a country’s economic growth and development. Therefore, quite simply, advances in S&T are the most tangible components of a country’s national power. While the role of advances in S&T to India’s rise to a power of global reckoning is apparent and visible all around us, there is a need to infuse this understanding in the International Relations (IR) teaching curriculum of Indian universities. Globally, the role of S&T in the IR discourse has seen a steady increase. This coincided with the rise of a new interdisciplinary field of Science and Technology Studies (STS) during the 1970s and 1980s. Since the advent of IR as a discipline post-World War II, nuclear weapons and their role in strategic stability was a key focus area. However, it was with the coming of the Information and Technology (ICT) revolution that elements beyond nuclear and military technologies started forming a greater part of the IR discourse. The IR curricula, particularly in the West, evolved to incorporate elements learnt from STS in both methodological and epistemological terms. The continuity in area studies focus in IR curricula is understandable, given the state centric analysis of the discipline. New opportunities and threats such as globalisation, transnational terrorism and climate change have occupied recent relevance in Indian IR teaching. However, there is still remains an evident gap in analysing and disseminating as to how evolving technologies remains a subterranean force in these issues of national and international consequence. The interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary of IR teaching cannot be adequately captured without a more acute understanding of the interface between technology and a country’s national power. Across the world, advances in S&T have played a fundamental role in shaping IR as a discipline. India, a leading technological power in the 21st Century, must not be left behind in incorporating such understanding into its IR pedagogy. Such a change should begin with a relook into the academic curricula in IR being taught across the nation and incorporating the role that S&T has played in India’s rise. At present, the ways and means through which advances in niche fields of strategic and critical technologies have enhanced India’s power status receive scant attention in a majority of Indian IR courses. The role of S&T in equipping India with system-shaping capabilities is largely taken for granted. Such an attitude runs counter to the very spirit and purpose of interdisciplinarity that India’s education reforms have tried to introduce by means of the National Education Policy, 2020. The gap in curriculum in this regard severely limits the ability of Indian scholarship to make a credible case for India’s rise. Consequently, the Indian narrative is left short in examining the notion of power and power status – concepts whose qualitative and quantitative parameters have been set by the West and more recently, China. What needs to be emphasised upon in this context is the realisation that global power dynamics in the 21st Century is defined by an increased intertwining between technology and geopolitics. The exact ways and means through which niche critical and strategic technologies have catapulted India to the top rung of the international power hierarchy become important to incorporate in IR curricula from the undergraduate level. The resilience of India’s organisational culture further becomes significant to study. The legacy of institutions such as the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) and the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) despite severe limitations only in terms of resources to work with, but also external efforts to stunt India’s rise are worth studying as a key facet of India’s burgeoning power profile. The continued rise of India amid the fourth industrial revolution is dependent on its ability to prevail as a global hub of cutting-edge technologies. In addition to technological advances seen in terms of patents or publications, convergence and policy synergy is key to capitalise upon the advances and to project power. Article 51-A of the Indian Constitution states the development of “scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry” as a fundamental duty of every citizen of India. It is high time for IR education in India to make tangible efforts towards infusing S&T advances into its curriculum and account for their symbiotic relationship. It is imperative to take this discourse out of elitist circles and work towards the noble goal of interdisciplinarity in knowledge. Education on this front may be imparted from the undergraduate levels towards the end goal of evolving a critical mass of young scholars who can confidently articulate for a rising India. --- # Did the Invincible Kinzhal Outsmart the Mighty Patriot? > The Russia-Ukraine war has been fought as much on the ground, air and sea, as it has been in the minds of the global populace. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/did-the-invincible-kinzhal-outsmart-the-mighty-patriot - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Abhyuday Saraswat - Published: 12 June 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Conflicts, Military, Missile Defence - Reading time: 6 min · 1466 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/did-the-invincible-kinzhal-outsmart-the-mighty-patriot-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The Russia-Ukraine war has been fought as much on the ground, air and sea, as it has been in the minds of the global populace. Both sides have made concerted efforts from Day 0 to win the information war, with claims and counterclaims ruling the roost. --- Both sides have made concerted efforts from Day 0 to win the information war, with claims and counterclaims ruling the roost. A recent campaign has pitted Russia’s Kinzhal hypersonic missile against US-made and Ukraine-operated Patriot missile defence systems. Did Patriot stop the Kinzhal in its tracks or did it meet its match at the hands of Russia’s ‘invincible’ weapon? The Russian Defence Ministry, as per a [statement](https://tass.com/defense/1619127) released on Telegram, claimed to have destroyed five American-made Patriot surface-to-air missile defense systems during a nocturnal strike on 16 May 2023. The Russian military purportedly employed its Kinzhal hypersonic missile for this mission and claimed to have “reliably confirmed information” on the strike. However, the veracity of Russia’s claims is disputed by Ukraine, the USA and scores of Western analysts. The counter-narrative runs that if any destruction did occur, it was probably the Patriot landing the punches, stopping the Kinzhal in its tracks. Which claim is true? The ongoing Russia-Ukraine war has been characterised by an array of claims and counterclaims. There are few means available to check the veracity of these claims. But did the invincible Kinzhal really deliver a death blow to the mighty Patriot? How much of the conflicting reports is rumour, propaganda, and information warfare? And how much is the Kinzhal capable of destroying the Patriot system? And if not, then can Patriot defend itself against the Kinzhal? A capability assessment of the two systems may shed some more light. ## Kinzhal: Russia’s Hypersonic Dagger The Kh-47M2 Kinzhal (472 инaл) – also known as the “Dagger” in Russian and codenamed Killjoy by NATO – is a Russian **hypersonic air-launched ballistic missile**. It has a purported range of 2,000 km (1,200 mi) and Mach 10 speed. Some sources claim that it can reach speeds as high as Mach 13. Kinzhal is reported have a high manoeuvrability capability during its flight. The missile is believed to be capable of employing sharp evasive manoeuvres to evade enemy air defence systems. Its ability to change direction and altitude rapidly makes it a challenging target for interception. It may be fired by Tu-22M3 bombers or MiG-31K interceptors and can carry conventional or nuclear warheads. It has been stationed in air stations in Russia's Southern and Western military districts. The Kinzhal entered service in December 2017 and was one of five new Russian strategic weapons disclosed in March 2018 by Russia’s President Vladimir Putin. The main architecture of the missile is similar to the previous ground-launched 9K720 Iskander missile. But it has been modified for air launch using improved aerodynamics and an advanced guidance unit for greater manoeuvrability. It can reportedly hit both static targets and mobile ones, such as aircraft carriers. Touted as having both anti-ship and land-attack capabilities, the Kinzhal can be employed against naval vessels as well as ground-based targets such as command centres, airfields, and infrastructure. Russia is reported to have conducted multiple tests of the Kinzhal system and has claimed successful results. However, the exact verification of the missile’s performance parameters is rendered difficult due to the lack of publicly available data. At the same time, a high degree of manoeuvrability and speed is expected to make its interception difficult. Even superior missile defence systems may find it difficult to defend their territory and bases against an incoming Kinzhal missile. ## Patriot: The West’s Shield Patriot stands for Phased Array Tracking Radar for Intercept on Target. The Patriot missile defence system is a **ground-based, mobile missile defence interceptor** deployed by the United States of America and many other nations. The Patriot system detects, tracks, and engages unmanned aerial vehicles, cruise missiles, and short-range or tactical ballistic [missiles](http://missiles.It)[**.**](http://missiles.It)[It](http://missiles.It) is produced by Raytheon and Lockheed Martin and is used by the USA**** and**** 18 countries, including Ukraine and Saudi Arabia. The supply of the Patriot system to Ukraine is intended as a key means to bolster Kyiv’s air defence capabilities against Russia’s growing aerial assaults. The Patriot battery was delivered to Ukraine in April 2023 by the USA, Germany and the Netherlands. The system consists of six central [components](https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF12297#:~:text=A%20PATRIOT%20battery%20has%20six,as%20well%20as%20fire%20control.): the Patriot missiles, a radar set, an engagement control station, missile launchers, a vehicle-mounted power generator unit, and a high-frequency antenna mast. The system’s radar has a range of over 150 kilometres. The strike range of a Patriot missile varies depending on the type of interceptor used. The PAC-2 (Patriot Advanced Capability-2) interceptor has a range of about 70 kilometres, while the newer PAC-3**** missile has a range of about 40 kilometres. The PAC-2 and PAC-3 also vary in terms of warhead design. The PAC-2 interceptor has a blast-fragmentation warhead, but the newer PAC-3 missile employs more sophisticated hit-to-kill technology. The Patriot system operates in a multi-layered integrated defence approach, using multiple missiles to engage and intercept threats at different ranges and altitudes. The Patriot system has been extensively used by the United States and its allies for air defense purposes. It has seen deployment in various conflicts and operations, including the Gulf War (1990-91) and the Iraq War (2003). More recently, the system has played an important role in defending Saudi Arabia against missile attacks from Yemen. **Can the Dagger pierce the Shield?** There are conflicting reports on whether a Kinzhal hypersonic missile can destroy a Patriot missile defence system. Ukraine has countered Russia’s claim of having destroyed five Patriot systems as farcical, instead suggesting that they have successfully repelled Kinzhal missile strikes near Kyiv. Yuri Ihnat, a spokesperson for the Ukrainian Air Force [stated](https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/ukraine-denies-russia-destroyed-patriot-missile-defence-system-2023-05-17/) that the Patriot anti-aircraft missile system cannot be destroyed in a single blow, even if it is a Kinzhal missile. American authorities thereafter proceeded to confirm the Ukrainian account. U.S. officials termed the damage ‘minimal’ after inspection, while stating that the system is still operational. In a scenario where the Kinzhal is used against the Patriot system, several factors come into play. The hypersonic speed and potential manoeuvrability of the Kinzhal could pose a challenge to traditional air defence systems like the Patriot. The high speed and unpredictable flight patterns make it more difficult for interceptors to engage and destroy the Kinzhal missile. The Kinzhal system may also incorporate countermeasures to evade interception. These could include advanced manoeuvring, decoys, and electronic warfare techniques to confuse or overwhelm the Patriot system’s radars and interceptors. On the other hand, there have also been questions raised on the extent of Kinzhal’s speed and manoeuvrability. Critics [argue](https://www.sandboxx.us/blog/why-calling-russias-kinzhal-a-hypersonic-missile-is-a-stretch/) that Kinzhal is nothing more than a modified air-launched ballistic missile. Its ability to travel at hypersonic speeds (above Mach 5) is said to be [nothing special](https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2023/05/23/ukraine-and-the-kinzhal-dont-believe-the-hypersonic-hype/#:~:text=The%20term%20%E2%80%9Chypersonic%E2%80%9D%20is%20now,an%20air%2Dlaunched%20ballistic%20missile.) as most medium-long range ballistic missiles achieve such speeds in their terminal phase. Although the Kinzhal travels at a Mach 10 speed, its functioning is different from hypersonic glide vehicles or hypersonic cruise missiles – which are generally characterized as hypersonic weapons due to their high degree of manoeuvrability compared to ballistic missiles. In this background, it is possible that the Kinzhal has not really been able to outsmart Western-supplied air defence systems deployed in Ukraine. The Patriot system on the other hand is a well-established and widely used air defence system. It has a good track record of countering various types of threats, including ballistic missiles. The Patriot employs a combination of radars, command and control systems, and interceptors to engage and destroy incoming threats. While the Kinzhal’s hypersonic speed poses challenges, the Patriot system has been upgraded over the years to improve its capabilities against faster and more advanced threats. However, doubts have also been raised regarding the Patriot’s success rate. Following the Gulf War (1990-91), the U.S. military boasted of a one hundred percent success rate in intercepting Iraqi Scud missiles. An [investigation](https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/gulf/weapons/patriot.html) later found that merely nine percent of engagements had strong evidence of having resulted in a warhead kill. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia has also claimed a high success rate with the Patriot system (77 out of 89). However, publicly available information on successful intercepts has been noted to be scant. According to the [Nuclear Threat Initiative](https://www.nti.org/analysis/articles/global-missile-defense-race-strong-test-records-and-poor-operational-performance/), the claimed interception rate may have been intended to reassure the country’s population of the regime’s ability to ward off security threats. It is challenging to accurately determine how well the Kinzhal might function against the Patriot system. Military capabilities are often assessed through rigorous testing and simulations, with the results tightly guarded by the different governments. But, in reality, it is possible that the Kinzhal was able to hit and inflict heavy damage on the Patriot, and that Ukraine (now effectively a NATO vassal state) and the U.S. might be hiding the fact under the pretence of information warfare. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Natural Gas: The ‘Next Stop’ on India’s Energy Transition Path > A review of “The Next Stop: Natural Gas and India’s Journey to a Clean Energy Future,” edited by Vikram Singh Mehta. The book presents natural gas as an ideal option for India on its path to a clean energy transition. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/natural-gas-the-next-stop-on-india-s-energy-transition-path - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Vishal Mishra - Published: 25 May 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Book Review, Clean Energy - Reading time: 6 min · 1479 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/natural-gas-the-next-stop-on-india-s-energy-transition-path-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** A review of “The Next Stop: Natural Gas and India’s Journey to a Clean Energy Future,” edited by Vikram Singh Mehta. The book presents natural gas as an ideal option for India on its path to a clean energy transition. --- It highlights uniquely Indian complexities of implementing a large-scale energy transition and outlines current trends in the global natural gas economy. Natural gas presents a viable option for fulfilling the word’s quest towards a clean energy transition. Often characterized as a bridge fuel, natural gas is purported to provide options to immediately phase out coal and oil. Along with allowing short term emissions reduction, natural gas allows a buffer period towards a larger transition toward renewables. The world’s top emitters of Green House Gases including the United States of America, China, India and the European Union are increasingly switching from coal to gas as they try to prioritise a sustainable future. *The Next Stop: Natural Gas and India's Journey to a Clean Energy Future* delves into India’s energy landscape and explores the pathways through which natural gas can usher in a clean energy transition. It covers topics such as oil and gas politics, climate change, energy security and the role of technology in shaping the future of India’s energy security. India has pledged to achieve Net-Zero Emissions by 2070. This pledge has been supplemented by its decision to increase non-fossil fuel energy capacity to 500 Giga watts (GW) by 2030 and meet 50% of its energy needs through renewable sources. At the same time, the International Energy Agency (IEA) in its report – *India 2020: Energy Policy Review*, states that India’s energy demand will increase by 100% by 2040. Consequently, the existing energy mix may fail to sustain the rapidly growing economy. An urgent shift towards cleaner energy is the need of the hour. The book raises questions on the feasibility of implementing such a large-scale transition. It notes the processes that can facilitate a transition to clean energy are complex and expensive. ## Natural Gas and India’s Energy Quadrilemma The book’s introduction briefly lays down a roadmap for India to implement a clean energy transition. The author advocates that the ‘Next Stop’ should include a greater integration of natural gas into India’s existing energy mix. The chapter titled *The Green Fossil* sheds light on India’s unique predicaments with respect to arriving at the next stop*.*India faces an “Energy Quadrilemma” and has to engage in a complex pursuit of balancing amongst four competing priorities - energy security and energy equality with environmental sustainability and affordability, with the fourth (affordability) being endemic to India. The role played by natural gas in India’s electricity generation is relatively small. Compared to the global average of around 22 percent, India's share of gas-based power has only been around 3.5%. The book recommends an assimilation of natural gas to facilitate a sustainable transition to clean energy. ## Obstacles on the road to the Next Stop ‘Why Gas?’, the second section, offers a critique on India’s policy regulations concerning natural gas. The lack of a clear roadmap, adequate infrastructure and financial assistance are attributed as the primary impediments. Moreover, projected future energy demands can only be met through a complete re-engineering of existing energy infrastructure at both the production and consumption level. In *Chapter 7*, the writer elaborates upon the lack of infrastructure as a major hindrance to greater natural gas use in India. Meanwhile, the Central Electrical Authority estimates the cost of acquiring Transmission System for Integration of over 500 GW Renewable Energy (RE) Capacity by 2030 to be ₹2.44 trillion. A country like India would have to remove several obstacles to widely integrate natural gas into its energy mix. Examples have been mentioned to shed light on India’s policy successes and failures in steering its natural gas sector towards achieving energy and climate goals. Structural changes that have had positive effects on energy security have been discussed in *Chapter 4*. The use of Floating Storage and Regasification Units has purportedly facilitated more flexible and cost-effective LNG import without the need for sizable infrastructure investments. This in turn has contributed to the 'democratisation' of LNG. Apart from this, technology has played a key role in increasing natural gas production along with lowering costs. Having said that, the use of LNG as a fuel is still in its nascent stages, and significant fuelling infrastructure is needed to make it more widely available. The lack of allocation for domestic gas has been highlighted as a major obstacle to gas-based generation in India. Moreover, gas power plants limited competitiveness in the "merit order" in comparison to other sources have also been highlighted as an impediment. *Chapter 11* explores the governance failures behind the Non-performing Gas Power Plants. These hurdles have also impacted important international collaborations. India’s attempted collaboration with South Korea to build an LNG Ship was abandoned due to financial irregularities. In contrast, China has been able to capitalize on construction of LNG vessels using carefully formulated Transfer of Technology mechanisms and holistic training of its human resources. ## Getting there Rapid urbanization and increase in population demand sustainable and clean fuel. The unique qualities of gas-based power, such as ramping and peaking abilities and cleanliness, can set it apart from predominant fossil fuels. The World Health Organisation reports that India is home to nine out of the ten cities with the world's worst ambient air quality. Air quality will continue to deteriorate if the current energy consumption patterns are not altered. *Chapter 23* discusses the successful regulatory interventions in India’s natural gas economy. The transition of New Delhi’s public transport to CNG has been named as a success story. Timely intervention and financial incentivisation such as encouraging energy efficient LED bulbs and creation of market for rooftop solar showcase a positive direction of policy change. The fifth section on ‘Regulation and Sustainability’, critically assesses the regulations intended to integrate natural gas into India's current fossil fuel-intensive energy mix. Sudha Mahalingam, former-member, Petroleum and Natural Gas Regulatory Board (PNGRB) writes about the privatization of natural gas pipelines. A national pipeline policy was established to guarantee that all future pipelines would have 33% open access capacity that could be utilised by third-party shippers. The PNGRB, set up in 2007, was conferred with regulatory power to issue licenses to build, expand and operate natural gas pipelines and City Gas Distribution (CGD) networks. The implementation of the Act has been criticised as having several loopholes, with the bidding process marred by irregularities and political interference. According to the Petroleum Planning & Analysis Cell, only 43 of the 228 CGD networks authorised by the PNGRB to date have been commissioned. The book consists of expert recommendations such as exploring the possibility of reviving abandoned gas-based power plants and bringing natural gas under the ambit of the Goods and Services Tax. *Chapter 13* suggests that the implementation of CGD projects can significantly reduce localised pollution in urban areas as well as the overall amount of carbon emissions. While PNG can be used in domestic kitchens as well as industrial and commercial facilities, CNG can replace other polluting transport fuels. Decarbonization along with policy intervention and financial incentivisation is critical to India’s energy transition. Decarbonization measures include de-incentivisation of carbon emitting industries by levying carbon taxes and providing subsidies to industries switching to cleaner energy. Chapter 24 – *Decarbonisation: Model for Sharpening the Trajectory* informs the readers about the different policy measures taken by India to decarbonize its economy. These include the Perform Achieve Trade Mechanism, Renewable Purchase Obligations and the National Clean Air Programme. India has also introduced The Energy Conservation (Amendment) Bill 2022. The Amendment introduces innovative concepts like carbon trading and necessitates certain consumers to use non-fossil fuels to speed up decarbonization and achieve sustainable development goals. ## A roadmap for energy transition In the coming decade, there will be more space available for gas-fired power generation due to the expanding demand for electricity and the gradual retirement of oil and coal-fired capacity. By 2030, natural gas is expected to surpass coal to become the world’s second-largest source of energy after oil, growing at an average rate of 1.4% through 2040, according to the IEA World Energy Outlook. India’s import dependency based on consumption for natural gas is 46.3% in Financial Year 2022-23. Hence, it is imperative for India to be cognizant of these changing trends to secure its energy requirements. It took 40 years for the incandescent bulb to reach every household in Manhattan after its invention by Thomas Edison. The shift from prevalent norm is a time-consuming and complex process. This book acknowledges this fact and lays down a detailed roadmap for the transition to cleaner energy. This highly recommended book will equip the reader with historical, industrial, technical, and political facets of energy transition. Overall, the book is very insightful and content-rich, which is understandable given that the authors are subject-matter experts with deep knowledge of the industry. **Disclaimer:**The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Post-Bakhmut, What is Russia’s Endgame in Ukraine? > Russia has reportedly won the symbolic Battle of Bakhmut, as Wagner mercenaries bid a slightly unpleasant adieu to their Russian comrades. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/post-bakhmut-what-is-russia-s-endgame-in-ukraine - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Abhyuday Saraswat - Published: 25 May 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Conflicts - Reading time: 6 min · 1271 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/post-bakhmut-what-is-russia-s-endgame-in-ukraine-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Russia has reportedly won the symbolic Battle of Bakhmut, as Wagner mercenaries bid a slightly unpleasant adieu to their Russian comrades. A focal point in the Russia-Ukraine war, the Battle of Bakhmut has been termed a ‘meatgrinder’. In winning the same, Russia has employed an array of tactics purportedly dictated by the Gerasimov Doctrine. --- A focal point in the Russia-Ukraine war, the Battle of Bakhmut has been termed a ‘meatgrinder’. In winning the same, Russia has employed an array of tactics purportedly dictated by the Gerasimov Doctrine. The year-long battle for Bakhmut has been reported to have ended in a costly victory for the Russians, while an adamant Ukraine has continued to deny the capture of the town. Russia began its ‘Special Military Operation’ in Ukraine on 24 February 2022. A salt mining town located in the Donbas region, Western analysts note Bakhmut to have no particular strategic significance. Its significance instead lies in symbolism. Volodomyr Zelenskyy has described the battle as a “symbol of defiance” against Russia. For Vladimir Putin and the Wagner Group on the other hand, Bakhmut is a meatgrinder, intended to bleed the Ukrainian side dry. The period following August 2022 has witnessed fire and fury pound the city. Russia’s win in Bakhmut has been made possible by the Wagner Group’s meatgrinder tactics. As the Wagner mercenaries bid adieu to Ukraine, important questions linger in the minds of many: what will be the endgame in the war? And could Bakhmut be a stepping stone towards further escalation? Putin’s ambition to re-establish the Soviet sphere of influence and return Russia to its glory days has cost the world heavily and disrupted global supply chains. Russia has in effect turned into a supervillain in 21st Century international affairs. The United States and the West have imposed severe technological and economic sanctions on the Kremlin and its cronies. Meanwhile, the West has repeatedly decried the stance adopted by India, a traditional friend of Russia. The legitimacy and morality of India’s practice of strategic autonomy has been put on the spot once again. Ukraine, on the other hand, has declared Russia a “terrorist state”. It has continued to seek weaponry from the USA and its allies including tanks, missiles and fighter aircraft, as the conflict is spiralling into a modern-day proxy war. But is Russia solely to blame for the war or is this the effect of containment or isolation? More importantly, what could guide Russia’s military doctrine and strategy post-Bakhmut? ## 7 Days to the Rhine ‘7 Days to the Rhine’ or ‘Operation Ryana’ was a hypothetical military scenario that gained attention during the Cold War. It refers to a theoretical plan attributed to the Soviet Union, suggesting that they could rapidly advance through Western Europe and reach the Rhine River within seven days. The concept emerged during the 1970s and was primarily a topic of discussion among military analysts and policymakers of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The scenario served as a basis to assess the potential vulnerabilities in relation to NATO forces response capabilities in the event of a Soviet invasion. The scenario entailed in Operation Ryana drew from the Red Army’s ‘Deep Battle’ doctrine. Envisaged by Soviet strategists in the 1930s, the [Deep Battle doctrine](https://geopoliticalfutures.com/russian-military-doctrine/#:~:text=The%20Russian%20doctrine%20defined%20after,battle%20and%20also%20between%20levels.) seeks to render the Russian Army into a ‘sledgehammer’ through striking quickly and deeply into enemy territory. A Soviet attack as per this doctrine could entail a massive employment of armoured and mechanised force to launch a surprise attack. It could then use its numerical advantage and concentrate military power to swiftly overrun NATO defences. The Rhine River was considered a strategic landmark because it marked a significant obstacle for an advancing force and was a crucial defensive line for NATO. The scenario led to the development of defensive strategies such as ‘Airland Battle’ and ‘Flexible Response’. These doctrines focused on reinforcing NATO’s conventional forces and integrating air power with ground forces to counter the Soviet threat. Moreover, they sought to delay and disrupt the Soviet advance, allowing NATO forces to regroup and mount a more effective defence. It is important to note that ‘7 Days to the Rhine’ was never realised outside of simulations. It served as a catalyst for military planning, force modernization, and enhancing NATO’s fighting readiness during the Cold War. Since the end of the Cold War and particularly during the first two decades of the 21st Century, the strategic landscape in Europe has significantly changed. While Russia has re-wired its military strategy to operate effectively in an informatized environment, NATO has also shifted its focus to new challenges and threats. The ‘7 Days to the Rhine’ scenario is now primarily studied as a historical reference and a reflection of Cold War military thinking. ## Gerasimov Doctrine: Russia’s modern-day military playbook Russia’s military operations under Putin are largely guided by the Gerasimov Doctrine. Named after Valery Gerasimov, Chief of General Staff, Russian Armed Forces, the doctrine has been equated to hybrid warfare. Gerasimov detailed the elements of the doctrine in a 2013 article published in a Russian defence journal. The doctrine entails a combination of hard and soft power elements and draws from a whole spectrum of power capabilities to shape the battlefield to Russia’s military advantage. Gray zone tactics such as disinformation, economic manipulation and employment of proxies has formed the essence of the doctrine in practice. Irregular warfare involving private military contractors such as the Wagner Group and pro-Russian separatist groups further allows Russia to maintain strategic ambiguity. The adversaries on the other end are left confused as to how to respond. The Gerasimov Doctrine has imbibed the Deep Battle doctrine in how military operations are conducted, albeit under modern conditions. For instance, [Battalion Tactical Groups (BTG)](https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/AD1083521.pdf) has emerged as an important component of Russia’s striking power in recent times. BTGs are constituted around motorized rifle or tank battalions and are equipped with capabilities including electronic warfare and Man-Portable-Air-Defense-Systems. BTG units can penetrate deep into the rear of the enemy territory, while posing a high-risk to assets including aircraft. However, wars in practice hardly follow grand scenarios of victories or defeat envisaged in military doctrines. Russia has showcased its military power through instances including the 2014 annexation of Crimea. However, the current experience in Ukraine may have forced a reality check on the Kremlin. A war that Russia thought it could win through a few quick offensives has now become protracted with no particular end in sight. While Bakhmut does represent a symbolic victory, whether Russia can implement an Operation Ryana type of scenario remains to be seen. **The Endgame?** The tumultuous events in Ukraine have resulted out of post-World War II geopolitics. Bakhmut represents a significant advance for Russia in the prolonged conflict. The enduring stalemate in Bakhmut had caused observers to [term](https://www.businessinsider.in/politics/world/news/ukraines-battlefields-look-like-world-war-i-but-with-a-new-and-terrifying-addition-that-leaves-troops-with-almost-nowhere-to-hide/articleshow/97237438.cms) it as ‘The World War I of the 21st Century’. The state of war can be expected to continue as diplomacy is yet to move into the fore as a resolution for the conflict. On the other hand, quarters within the West have started to feel the pinch of supporting Ukraine’s fight against Russia. In this background, there is a possibility that the fighting may wind down in the near future. A relatively weaker state like Ukraine will run out of resources soon. Ukraine’s friends in the West may also get exhausted once their own strategic priorities grow incompatible with Kyiv’s. The dynamics of the Russia-Ukraine war are clearly more complex than those envisioned in the Operation Ryana scenario. The war is akin to a proxy war and involves a mix of irregular forces, political manipulation, information warfare and limited conventional military engagements. Whether Russia ends up stronger or weaker for it all, the course of geopolitics may have altered for decades to come. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Dragon in the American Backyard: China’s tech forays into Latin America > China’s technological footprint around the globe is now more than palpable, having seemingly taken a leaf out of the US’ playbook. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/dragon-in-the-american-backyard-china-s-tech-forays-into-latin-america - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Sharad Joseph Mahendar - Published: 17 May 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Diplomacy · Topics: S&T Policy, Space, AI - Reading time: 6 min · 1363 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/dragon-in-the-american-backyard-china-s-tech-forays-into-latin-america-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** China’s technological footprint around the globe is now more than palpable, having seemingly taken a leaf out of the US’ playbook. Just as Uncle Sam has doubled down on S&T partnerships in the Far East and the Indo-Pacific, China has accelerated a series of carefully crafted engagements in Latin America, disconcertingly so for the USA. --- Just as Uncle Sam has doubled down on S&T partnerships in the Far East and the Indo-Pacific, China has accelerated a series of carefully crafted engagements in Latin America, disconcertingly so for the USA. China’s efforts to build its own technological spheres of influence around the globe has been a distinct feature of 21st Century geopolitics. Chinese technology in today’s context has practically penetrated every corner of the world, allowing Beijing to wield ample leverage in efforts to emerge as a superpower by 2035. In what appears to be another effort to challenge the USA’s technological supremacy, China has now entered the USA’s own backyard in Latin America. Keen to leap ahead in the fourth industrial revolution, major regional powers in Latin America have welcomed Beijing with open arms to set up their digital infrastructure. China has collaborated with regional powers such as Brazil and Argentina through high technology partnerships as early as the 1980s. However, it is in the backdrop of a telecommunications revolution in the developing world in the early 2000s that China sought to craft a wider engagement in the Latin American region. Prominent Chinese telecom giants such as Huawei and ZTE were brought in to set up telecommunication infrastructure, particularly on developing mobile networks. This helped China establish a solid technological footprint in countries including Argentina, Chile, Uruguay and Venezuela. In subsequent years, technology cooperation with Latin American states has grown in areas such as telecommunications, renewable energy, Artificial Intelligence (AI), e-commerce and smart cities. **Space for diplomacy?** China has been growing its space footprint in Latin America – a major cause for concern for the United States. As a part of its Belt and Road Initiative, China has been ramping up investments in space infrastructure in a bid to expand its geopolitical and economic clout around the world. The Chinese Academy of Sciences South America Centre for Astronomy (CASSACA) was inaugurated in 2013 in the Chilean capital of Santiago. China has also signed agreements with countries such as Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia and Ecuador for the construction and launch of satellites for remote sensing as well as training and capacity building of space personnel. Such emerging partnerships have the highly successful. China-Brazil cooperation in the space sector is a handy example. The China-Brazil Earth Resources Satellite (CBERS) programme, a joint research and production arrangement, was initiated in 1988. The main objective of CBERS was to jointly launch and deploy earth observation satellites intended for urban planning, environmental monitoring as well as disaster management. Between 1999-2019, the programme has seen the launch of six remote-sensing satellites. However, more than straightforward space diplomacy overtures in terms of the launch and development of satellites, it is China’s growing ‘physical’ footprint using the garb of space missions that has the USA fretful. China has of late built a network of satellite ground stations across the continent. While Argentina houses four of them, Brazil has one Chinese-operated ground station. Chile, Bolivia and Venezuela have two each. Satellite ground stations facilitate earth-to-space and space-to-earth communications. They can receive information from satellites and be used to relay commands to space assets to reposition or perform other manoeuvres. Ground stations can additionally be used to track space objects and improve Space Situational Awareness. The [People’s Liberation Army Strategic Support Force (PLASSF)](https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/chinas-ground-stations-in-south-america-raise-concerns/#.ZFtzPM5By3B) is believed to have been directly involved in operating these stations. For instance, the Espacio Lejano Station, located in Argentina, is operated by the China Satellite Launch & Tracking Control General, which is a sub-entity of the PLASSF. The station, located in Argentina’s Patagonia desert houses the China-Argentina Radio Telescope (CART) with a 16-storey antenna. China claims to have employed the same to execute its historic landing on the dark side of the moon in 2019. As per [contractual stipulations](https://spacesecurity.wse.jhu.edu/2022/10/05/chinas-growing-ground-station-footprint-in-south-america/), Argentina is to “not interfere or interrupt” the activities carried out at the station. In this background, fears have naturally been growing over China’s intentions behind its active space diplomacy in Latin America. Concerns are rife that China may be utilising these stations to intercept sensitive communications. Observers in the USA also speculate that these shall help China wield advantages in [“information-rich battlespaces”](https://features.csis.org/hiddenreach/china-ground-stations-space/). However, China has dismissed these allegations by claiming that the stations are used for peaceful, civilian missions. China’s investments in space infrastructure and provision of fellowships for graduate training are generally perceived positively in Latin America. However, sceptics opine that China has been using its financial and technological muscle to gain long-term strategic goals, taking advantage of the developmental requirements of countries in the region. The Las Lajas space station in Argentina, for example, built and operated by China’s military, had no stipulations mandating against military use when the agreement was entered into in 2015. Following a change of government in Buenos Aires and reflecting domestic and international (primarily from the USA) concerns, a [‘commitment’](https://www.reuters.com/article/us-space-argentina-china-insight-idUSKCN1PP0I2) to utilise the station only for ‘peaceful uses’ was baked into the agreement. Argentina is still not in a position to monitor whether this commitment is truly being adhered to. ## Digital silk road Chinese companies have also made their presence felt in the Latin American digital economy for quite some time. Chinese companies, prominently Huawei, have been actively involved in setting up 5G equipment and infrastructure in several countries in the region. Huawei saw its revenue increase by 21.8 percent from its [Latin American operations](https://www.huawei.com/-/media/corporate/pdf/annual-report/annual_report2018_en_v2.pdf) in 2018. Meanwhile, e-commerce platforms including Alibaba and [JD.com](http://JD.com) are major competitors in Latin America’s virtual marketplace. China is also heavily investing in AI in Latin America. China is supporting Latin American governments in developing AI applications for delivering public services such as education, health and transportation. It is also lending its expertise in Internet of Things (IoT), AI and cloud computing to assist local governments in Latin America in developing smart city solutions. Chinese companies have also been involved in developing digital governance mechanisms in the continent. The Venezuelan government introduced the *Carnet de la Patria* or the Homeland Card in 2016, which was developed by ZTE. On paper, a citizen can choose to acquire the card voluntarily. However, a host of services ranging from doctors’ appointments to government pensions cannot be accessed without possessing the Homeland Card. Critics have denounced this initiative as a form of [“citizen control”](https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/venezuela-zte/). Meanwhile, countries such as Mexico and Ecuador are turning to Chinese surveillance companies such as the state-owned China National Electronics Import & Export Corporation (CEIEC) in order to enhance their security infrastructure. China is also organizing events such as the “[Latin America safe city summit”](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/24/technology/ecuador-surveillance-cameras-police-government.html) for pushing emerging surveillance equipment into the Latin American markets. The US based advocacy group Freedom House, has pointed out that the Governments of Venezuela and Cuba more often resort to blocking Internet access using Chinese technology, which it describes as [“digital authoritarianism”](https://www.voanews.com/a/china-seen-backing-digital-authoritarianism-in-latin-america-/6398072.html). The US Senate Foreign Relations Committee in a report “The New Big Brother: China and Digital Authoritarianism”, accused Chinese telecommunication companies of facilitating digital authoritarianism around the world, while citing Venezuela as a case study. **A cause célèbre?** China’s increasing stake in the technology industry can have widespread geopolitical implications. Critics raise concerns that the “state-led enterprise driven” model could be weaponised by China for influence campaigns or even coercion. The USA and its allies in the Five Eyes network are running a [campaign](https://www.smh.com.au/business/companies/how-the-five-eyes-cooked-up-the-campaign-to-kill-huawei-20181213-p50m24.html) to warn the countries in regions such as Latin America and Africa of the serious security risks of using Chinese technology. However, Oliver Stuenkel, who is a Professor at the Fundacio Getulio Vargas school of International Relations, Brazil, argues that these warnings are not taken seriously by the governments and people in Latin America and are viewed as overtly political and disingenuous. Many countries in the global South view Chinese technologies as affordable, economical and quickly accessible means to digital infrastructure. While it is true that China’s increasing technological intervention in Latin America offers opportunities for economic development and innovation, there are also genuine concerns regarding data privacy, cyber security and the use of technology for stifling democracy. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Why, Machine, Why? The Explainability Puzzle of Artificial Intelligence > There is a major problem with integrating AI into high-stakes decision making. Deep learning algorithms cannot explain themselves, nor can their thinking be understood by humans. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/why-machine-why-the-explainability-puzzle-of-artificial-intelligence - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 9 May 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: AI - Reading time: 6 min · 1300 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/why-machine-why-the-explainability-puzzle-of-artificial-intelligence-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** There is a major problem with integrating AI into high-stakes decision making. Deep learning algorithms cannot explain themselves, nor can their thinking be understood by humans. Efforts toward achieving explainable AI seek to tackle this problem. But can explainable AI meet humanity’s expectations? --- Efforts toward achieving explainable AI seek to tackle this problem. But can explainable AI meet humanity’s expectations? The ability of an individual to explain one’s own actions has been a central organizing principle of human society since time immemorial. In addition to the rights or wrongs found within the law, the criminal justice system itself works on the basis of how the plaintiff and the defendant’s versions compare with each other. Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes relied on the Aristotelian art of deduction to logically explain seemingly unsolvable crimes using superhuman powers of observation and intelligence. Governments in democracies are obligated to explain their decisions or policies to their citizens in rational terms. In stark contrast, what happens when intelligent machines who cannot explain their actions get increasingly integrated into high stakes decision-making? Efforts to achieve explainable AI intend to tackle this very question. ## The Problem AI evolves through learning from instructions and data fed to it by programmers. A new age of AI has been realized post 2012 through breakthroughs in deep learning, a subset of machine learning. Deep learning is based on artificial neural networks modelled after the human brain itself and is regarded as the fundamental enabler of human-like AI. Unlike in machine learning where an algorithm is trained under the programmer’s supervision, deep learning algorithms are fed vast amounts of raw data to identify patterns, reinforce best pathways and learn on their own. For instance, Google’s AlphaGo taught itself to play the complex and intuitive game of Go through hundreds of rounds played against other programs as well as humans. Although AlphaGo was technically not trained to face any human players, it was able to beat the world’s top Go players through making unpredictable moves that left them completely astounded. Deep learning algorithms in this way are akin to black boxes. A human cannot interpret or explain how the algorithm arrived at a certain output or decision. The problems arise because the programmer’s role in development is limited to designing the learning environment within which the algorithm teaches itself to operate. The processes the neural network employs to learn from the environment and the parameters it bases its decisions on are beyond access. **Read More:** [Alongside Intelligence, can Ethics be Artificially Created Too?](https://www.stratechos.com/techtonics/Alongside-Intelligence%2C-can-Ethics-be-Artificially-Created-Too%3F) In fields such as healthcare and military, the black box problem poses several challenges. A study published in [Lancet Digital Health](https://news.emory.edu/stories/2022/05/hs_ai_systems_detect_patient_race_27-05-2022/story.html) in 2022 discussed the curious case of an algorithm which unexpectedly learned to identify a person’s race from medical images including X-rays, MRIs and CT-Scans. The doctors simply could not determine how the algorithm figured out race from medical images. Various studies have already noted how algorithms widely employed in the US healthcare system have shown an unconscious bias against [African Americans](https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.aax2342) as well as [disabled people](https://www.theverge.com/2018/3/21/17144260/healthcare-medicaid-algorithm-arkansas-cerebral-palsy), leaving hundreds of people devoid of much-needed medical assistance. The professionals involved in these cases could not really understand how the algorithm decided a person’s eligibility for care. A common method used to consciously prevent against such algorithmic biases has been to leave out details on race and an individual’s economic status in the data accessible to the machine. However, if deep learning algorithms start teaching themselves to determine race through medical images, there is a serious possibility that prevailing inequalities in the society will get compounded. **The Solution?** In simple terms, explainable AI or XAI seeks to peer into the black box to understand the machine’s thought process. It seeks to integrate into an intelligent machine the ability to provide clear and understandable explanations for its decisions or actions. The end-goal of XAI approaches is to make intelligent machines suitable for wider integration into the society by making them more accountable for their actions. Various approaches crafted by AI developers strive to probe into how neural networks make decisions. Such approaches that peer into the algorithms’ brain have been collectively referred to as AI neurosciences. Approaches within AI neurosciences are largely proof of concept and are continuously evolving as the algorithms themselves improve in unexplainable ways. A dominant approach within this field is to employ counterfactual probes which work based on a trial-and-error method. Counterfactual probes essentially provide varied inputs (text, images or other relevant data) to check whether there are differences in the output. [Local Interpretable Model-Agnostic Explanations (LIME)](https://homes.cs.washington.edu/~marcotcr/blog/lime/) is an example of a counterfactual probe. In the case of a hiring algorithm which makes decisions based on certain keywords that signify an applicant’s qualification, LIME would delete or change certain words through several tests to see if the algorithm still considered the applicants to be eligible. Programmers have also attempted to develop XAI tools through testing them in vintage videogames. For instance, Professor Mark Riedl, Professor at the Georgia Tech School of Interactive Computing has [attempted](https://qz.com/888529/this-ai-translates-its-internal-monologue-for-humans-to-understand-and-plays-frogger) to do so using the game Frogger. Riedl and his team trained an algorithm to describe its actions in English while trying to get the frog to navigate through traffic and get to a pond. The algorithm was trained by recording human gamers who were instructed to think their actions out loud. A separate algorithm was then trained to translate the gaming algorithm’s language to the audio clippings. While the project could achieve explainability to a certain extent, the algorithm was still limited in deciphering exact intentions behind each move. ## Right to an Explanation Irrespective of the feasibility of XAI, explainability has been underlined as a common guiding principle within global approaches that seek to regulate AI. Its importance is heavily emphasised upon in the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). It grants an individual, the right to question a firm on the decisions it makes using algorithms. Businesses in turn are liable to explain the same, failing which it would be deemed non-compliant to the GDPR. Moreover, under Article 22, the GDPR grants to an individual “the right of human intervention”. A human may be asked to review a system’s decision to review whether it is wrong. Meanwhile, the California Privacy Rights Act, 2021, grants a consumer, the right to understand and opt out of automated decision-making processes. An individual’s right to an explanation is also central to Canada’s Bill C-11, the country’s proposed reforms to privacy laws. The ultimate end-goal of explainability may vary depending on the stakeholders involved and the domain it is applied to. XAI models involved in understanding medical diagnosis may not serve the purpose in law and order for example. This is because norms and decision-making mechanisms vary in each domain. Moreover, stakeholders including programmers, firms and policymakers appear to have varied understanding and expectations of XAI. In practice, engineering concerns have been [noted](https://www.brookings.edu/techstream/explainability-wont-save-ai/) to dominate the notion of explainability, with concerns of impacted individuals and communities taking a backseat. This casts major doubts on whether XAI can be customised to be user-friendly as expected by policies such as GDPR. The rights the law seeks to guarantee would have no effect without reliable technical tools to back it up. The only course of action might be to prohibit the use of AI in certain decision-making settings altogether. Explainability is pivotal to ensure that intelligent machines are reliable, humane, and trustworthy. Explanations would have to be measured against standards of justifiability, ideally by human adjudicators to ensure that AI as a black box does not masquerade biased and unfair decisions. The interests of the global society may be best served by multiple stakeholders coming together to clearly reconcile the feasibility of XAI with the expectations laid down in regulations. A call can then be taken on how fast machines need to be brought into high stakes decision-making. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # India's Space Policy 2023: Keeping Pace with Growing Space Aspirations > The New Space Race is rapidly transforming the landscape of space exploration in the 21st Century. As a major space power, India too has been closely watching the developments in the arena. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/india-s-space-policy-2023-keeping-pace-with-growing-space-aspirations - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Kiran Mohan Vazhapully - Published: 4 May 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: Space, S&T Policy - Reading time: 5 min · 1137 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/india-s-space-policy-2023-keeping-pace-with-growing-space-aspirations-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The New Space Race is rapidly transforming the landscape of space exploration in the 21st Century. As a major space power, India too has been closely watching the developments in the arena. India has now introduced a bold new space policy that represents a concrete step towards enhancing collaboration, innovation and international cooperation. --- India has now introduced a bold new space policy that represents a concrete step towards enhancing collaboration, innovation and international cooperation. India's space programme has come a long way since its inception in the 1960s. Under the leadership of Dr Vikram Sarabhai and later Dr Satish Dhawan, India's space programme achieved significant milestones. However, as the global space landscape has evolved, new opportunities and challenges have emerged, necessitating a more cohesive and strategic policy framework. The Indian Space Policy 2023 marks a significant shift in India's approach to space exploration and utilization, acknowledging the need for collaboration, innovation, and sustainable development. In recent years, space has become an increasingly contested domain, with countries and private companies racing to develop cutting-edge technologies and establish a foothold in outer space. With a rapidly growing population and a thriving economy, India has the potential to play a significant role in the global space landscape. The Indian Space Policy 2023 provides a roadmap to help India realize its space aspirations and contribute to the shared goals of the global space community. ## Redefinition of Roles The redefinition of roles under the Indian Space Policy 2023 is a significant step towards streamlining the space sector in India. The policy acknowledges the need for a more collaborative and innovative approach, and the redefined roles are aligned with this goal. The previous structure under ISRO had limitations, which included inefficiencies and missed opportunities, and was not able to keep pace with the rapidly changing global space environment. The policy empowers IN-SPACe, an autonomous regulatory body, to regulate and facilitate private sector participation in the space sector. This shift allows ISRO to focus on research and development, rather than managing regulatory functions, which can help stimulate innovation and enable faster decision-making. This redefined role enables the private sector to participate in space research and development projects with ease, fostering collaboration and partnership between the public and private sectors. In addition, the policy focuses on effective utilization of public expenditure and commercialization of space technologies and platforms. The New Space India Limited (NSIL), under the Department of Space, is tasked with promoting the commercial use of space technologies and platforms, creating market opportunities, and generating economic benefits. This approach not only attracts private investments but also creates a competitive ecosystem crucial for India's long-term space sector growth and sustainability. ## International Cooperation International cooperation is an essential aspect of space exploration and utilization, and the Indian Space Policy 2023 recognizes this by highlighting the role of the Department of Space (DoS) in coordinating international cooperation and global space governance programs. This coordination allows India to take a more active role in shaping global policies and norms, including representing the concerns of the Global South. The Department of Space, in consultation with the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), can help streamline and augment India's participation in international space law-making. This approach aligns with India's vision of promoting a peaceful and secure space environment that benefits all countries. The policy also acknowledges the pressing concern of space debris, which is a significant threat to space operations, and outlines measures to ensure safe and sustainable space operations. The DoS is tasked with establishing a framework that adheres to international space debris mitigation guidelines, demonstrating India's commitment to a sustainable space environment. India's participation in international space forums, such as the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UNCOPOUS) in Vienna and the Conference on Disarmament (CD) in Geneva, is an important aspect of the Indian Space Policy 2023. India has been an active participant in these forums, and the policy provides a framework to strengthen India's representation and ensure that its voice is heard. Through these platforms, India can ensure that its interests are protected and assume a leadership role in representing the concerns of the Global South. ## Balancing Civilian and Military Space Efforts The Policy focuses on promoting civilian and commercial aspects of the space sector but does not directly address the integration of civilian and military space efforts. India's space capabilities are increasingly important in the context of national security and defence, and it is essential to establish a framework for integrating these capabilities. India has already established the Defence Space Agency (DSA) and the Defence Space Research Organisation (DSRO) under it in 2019. The DSA comprises of personnel from the Army, Navy, and the Air Force. The agency has been tasked conducting space military operations through integrating the space assets dedicated to the three forces. Meanwhile, the DSRO handles research and development for the DSA. The DSRO could work in collaboration with the commercial space sector and defence agencies, leveraging public-private partnerships to develop dual-use technologies that promote innovation, cost savings, and ensure India's space program remains balanced and capable of addressing the full spectrum of space challenges. The integration of civilian and military space efforts is not a new concept, and many countries, including the United States and China, have adopted a comprehensive approach. The United States has established public-private partnerships with companies like SpaceX and Blue Origin to develop advanced space launch capabilities for both civilian and military purposes. These partnerships have fostered innovation and reduced costs, providing a model for India to follow. India could benefit from adopting a more direct approach to integrating its civilian and military space efforts. This approach could help develop new technologies and capabilities that benefit both sectors, promote collaboration and partnership between the public and private sectors, and ensure that India's space program remains competitive and capable of addressing the full spectrum of space challenges. ## The Road Ahead The 2023 Policy paves the way for a bold future in India's space sector, focusing on innovation, collaboration, and international cooperation. However, as the global space landscape constantly evolves, India must remain adaptable and embrace strategic foresight to keep pace with change. Policymakers must remain responsive to emerging trends and technological advancements, updating the policy as needed to balance national interests with international responsibilities, ensuring sustainable use of outer space and championing equitable access to space resources and technologies. By doing so, India can shape its space destiny and contribute to the shared goals of the global space community. As the global space landscape constantly evolves, India has the opportunity to position itself as a leader in the space domain. The Indian Space Policy 2023 provides a strategic framework to build on India's achievements, address emerging challenges, and seize new opportunities in the rapidly evolving space domain. By embracing adaptability and strategic foresight, India can harness emerging technologies, balance national interests with international responsibilities, and contribute to the shared goals of the global space community. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Dwindling Squadron Strength: How Will the Indian Air Force Cope? > Indian Air Force modernization has been a grand project in the anvil for many decades. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/dwindling-squadron-strength-how-will-the-iaf-cope - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Binil Varghese - Published: 24 April 2023 (updated 22 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Military - Reading time: 4 min · 978 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/dwindling-squadron-strength-how-will-the-iaf-cope-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Indian Air Force modernization has been a grand project in the anvil for many decades. The IAF is currently short of at least eight more squadrons of fighter aircraft to defend India against growing threats from the eastern and western fronts. --- The IAF is currently short of at least eight more squadrons of fighter aircraft to defend India against growing threats from the eastern and western fronts. Matters stand further complicated by the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war and consequently, Russia’s inability to provide routine upgrades and maintenance. How does the IAF intend to cope in this scenario? The Indian Air Force (IAF) is widely regarded as one of the world’s best air forces. During the nine decades of its existence, the IAF has played a key role in responding to a range of threats and is well renowned for its formidable capabilities and warfighting prowess. The IAF shoulders the important responsibility of realizing India’s power projection goals both within and beyond the region. Accustomed to using several different types of aircraft to perform multiple roles, the IAF’s unique institutional capacity for adaptability and creative problem-solving has been termed one of its primary assets. However, in recent times, delays in procurement of cutting-edge aircraft have challenged the IAF’s readiness and deployment capabilities, particularly in light of the growing arsenals of China and Pakistan. The lack of timely access to the same has been said to constrain the IAF’s options, postures, and doctrine. Various chiefs of the IAF are on record suggesting that the necessary squadron strength the service needs to maintain at any given time is between a minimum of 39.5 to an ideal fleet size of 44 squadrons (one squadron consists of 18 aircraft). According to recent reports, the fighter squadron strength of the IAF is down to 31 squadrons. For any military service, the requirement is to be prepared for the worst-case national security scenario. In India’s case, this is certainly the possibility of a two-front war against both China and Pakistan. With the Sino-Pak all-weather friendship showing signs of strengthening to all-time peak levels, the present fighter strength of the IAF is likely to catch India’s first responders cold if a two-front conflict opens up. The urgency of the IAF’s requirement to procure new fighter squadrons has been reflected in the Rafale Medium Multirole-Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) deal, the focus on quicker induction of the semi-indigenous Tejas aircrafts, and most recently, the expected tender for the Multirole Fighter Aircraft (MRFA)program. The urgency in the current scenario is further compounded by growing tensions on India’s eastern front. India’s security pundits are growing increasingly uneasy over the IAF’s continuing reliance on Sukhoi-30MKIs as the air superiority fighter. This is because the IAF continues to rely on Russia for upgrades and spares essential for maintaining airworthiness and quality of its jets.  The ongoing war with Ukraine has cast doubts on Russia’s ability to continue supporting routine maintenance and upgrades. On the other hand, the IAF is also looking to replace its ageing fleet. India's two dedicated strike and interdiction fast aircraft, the Jaguar and Mig-27, are both well past their prime when compared to peer competition. This is despite undergoing several engine, avionics, and weapons upgrades throughout their prolonged service careers. Meanwhile, the complete fleet of Mig-21s are to be retired by 2025. With respect to procurement as well as in instituting capacity for full-fledged indigenous production of fighter aircraft, the IAF has historically had to overcome several challenges. A series of political and judicial interventions had the effect of delaying the IAF’s efforts to procure the Rafale MMRCA during the 2012-2018 period. The Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) has proven its capability to partially meet India’s requirements through retrofitting existing airframes with a variety of avionics, weapons, and engines. However, technical and political hurdles continue to hinder India’s efforts to localize production. While the development of Tejas Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) has been heralded as a major success, the achievement resulted out of a three-decade long effort marked by multiple delays. India may likely continue to face these challenges in any effort that it might make to indigenously produce fifth or sixth generation fighters in the future. Indigenization, while a central goal often gets pushed down in IAF’s priority list as circumstances grow pressing. India’s treacherous geopolitics with hostile neighbors on the eastern and western fronts does not make it easier either to prioritize indigenization. As Air Marshal Narmadeshwar Tiwari recently [noted](https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/iafs-114-fighter-tender-to-move-in-3-4-months-part-of-over-500-jet-procurement/article66516620.ece) “reaching 42 squadrons will take time and the immediate effort is to arrest the drawdown in strength”. The IAF expects its requirements to be fulfilled simultaneously through external procurements (mostly from Russia) of multirole fighter aircraft as well as three indigenous fighter jet development projects. A major role has been envisioned for LCA Mk-1A, an improved variant of the LCA-1, which HAL has committed to deliver by 2024. Hopes are also pinned on HAL’s Twin Engine Deck Based Fighter and the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (both currently under development). Meanwhile, American aerospace giant, Lockheed Martin has also shown keenness to partake in Make in India. The company has presented its F-21 as the ideal aircraft to complement Tejas as well as Rafale. The IAF's institutional capacity for adaptability and creative problem-solving strategies is one of its primary assets, in part due to the custom of using so many different types of aircraft to do so many different jobs at once. However, acquiring and assimilating technology has been underlined as a major challenge for the IAF. While several efforts have been made to pursue a comprehensive modernization strategy, several technical and political hurdles render the process complicated and time-consuming. Approaching modernization as an evolutionary yet continuous process is of utmost importance. Emphasis also needs to be laid on synchronizing the process with national security requirements. Such an approach is pivotal to ensuring the IAF’s capability to fight threats at multiple levels and sustain and enhance its operational potential. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Sustainable Energy for All: Nanomaterials Could Hold the Key > The global quest for ensuring sustainable access to energy for all is at the heart of the perennial debate on climate change and sustainable development. A technological fix herein is very much the need of the hour. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/sustainable-energy-for-all-nanomaterials-could-hold-the-key - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Shuchi Shukla - Published: 24 April 2023 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Nanotechnology - Reading time: 4 min · 815 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/sustainable-energy-for-all-nanomaterials-could-hold-the-key-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The global quest for ensuring sustainable access to energy for all is at the heart of the perennial debate on climate change and sustainable development. A technological fix herein is very much the need of the hour. Can breakthroughs in nanomaterials pave the way forward for a clean energy revolution? --- Can breakthroughs in nanomaterials pave the way forward for a clean energy revolution? Nation-states have looked upon advances in science and technology as a means to solve challenges facing humanity ever since the dawn of the industrial era. Advances in S&T offers a range of options to tackle developmental challenges in practically every area, including healthcare, economy, ecology, energy and environment. Nanotechnology is one such emerging area that holds immense potential to solve the challenges plaguing the planet in current times. It could thus play an essential role in the worldwide quest to achieve Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Nanotechnology can be understood as the “study, design creation, synthesis, manipulation, and application of functional materials, devices, and systems through control of matter at the nanometre scale (1-100 nanometres, one nanometre being equal to 1 × 10−9of a meter), that is at the atomic and molecular levels, and the exploitation of novel phenomena and properties [of matter at that scale](https://pubs.acs.org/doi/pdf/10.1021/acsnano.1c10919)”. The origins and subsequent mainstreaming of nanoscience research is generally attributed to American physicist Richard Feynman. In a 1959 lecture titled “There’s Plenty of Room at the Bottom”, Feynman illuminated the breakthroughs that could be achieved through manipulating and controlling things at a molecular level. The subsequent decades have witnessed the nanotechnology transition from scientific research to production in a seamless manner. Nation-states around the world have initiated ambitious programs to engage in cutting-edge research in the area. Meanwhile, countries including South Korea, India, China, Brazil and South Africa have formulated national activities aimed specifically towards addressing the needs of the poor. Various sub-fields within nanotechnology such as nanomedicine, nanobiotechnology and nanoelectronics are pivotal to achieving improvements in key areas including water purification, health sciences and energy. Nanomaterials is a key field of research under nanotechnology. These nanomaterials are essentially lighter in weight, have higher strength and greater chemical reactivity than their counterparts- the larger materials. Nanomaterials offer a wide range of uses due to their small size. These materials have particular relevance for “ensuring access to clean and affordable energy” and “combat climate change and its impacts”. Moreover, nanomaterials are directly relevant to addressing the multifaceted challenge of global warming. Political efforts to tackle these problems generally concentrate on three key areas: promoting more energy-efficient policies, increasing the usage of renewable energy sources, and implementing methods for capturing carbon emissions and converting them through catalytic processes and other means. Advances in nanomaterials in the current context are integral to implementing these aforementioned approaches. Nanotechnologies provide the potential to boost efficiency and reduce costs in a variety of areas of energy development. This is especially evident in the production of renewable energy using improved materials and components. Nanotechnology has enabled several breakthroughs in solar cells, thereby improving their energy efficiency and cost effectiveness. As discussed in the paper titled “[Applications of Nanotechnologies in the Energy Sector](https://www.technologieland-hessen.de/mm/NanoEnergy_web.pdf)”, key breakthroughs in solar cells include, “thin-layer solar cells, Titanium Dioxide Nanoparticles in Dye Solar Cells, Fullerene Derivates as Electron Acceptors in Polymer Solar Cells, Nanolayers in Stack Cells, Quantum Dots for solar cells and Nanostructured Anti reflection layers”. These advances are said to boost the cells’ ability to absorb sunlight while being cost effective. In the transition towards wind energy, carbon nanotube (CNT) composites show promise in mitigating the deleterious effects of lightning strikes, which account for over 12% of wind generator failures. Regarding the recovery of fossil fuels, the newly established "nano for energy" consortium, boasting a multi-billion-dollar budget and comprising major oil companies such as BP, Shell, and ConocoPhillips, is committed to investigating the deployment of nanotechnologies in improving the efficiency of oil and gas production. Additionally, in the field of energy conversion, the development of nano-optimized fuel cells and nano-catalysts for hydrocarbon-based fuels, alongside advancements in energy storage such as lithium-ion batteries, supercapacitors, and hydrogen storage, demonstrate considerable potential for paving the way forward for a clean energy revolution. However, numerous observers have expressed concerns about the potential risks associated with nanotechnology, including Canada's ETC group and several US-based nanotech-driven NGOs. They have highlighted the toxic nature of certain nano materials, such as solid silver, which can accumulate in the environment and disrupt the food chain, posing a threat to both human health and the environment. Additionally, there is a concern about the technology gap between developed and developing nations, which could widen further as the use of nanoparticles continues to grow. To mitigate these risks, there must be increased research and government regulation of nanotechnology manufacturers to prevent misuse by profit-driven private companies. It is necessary to debate the use of nanotechnology in the environment and implement international regulations to ensure that the technology is used in a sustainable and ethical manner. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Wagner Group: Russia’s Wildcard in Ukraine > Richard Wagner was a 19th Century opera composer who was Adolf Hitler’s favourite musician. 140 years after Wagner’s death, a mercenary group named after him is doing Russia’s bidding in Ukraine. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/wagner-group-russia-s-wildcard-in-ukraine - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Radhika Shaw - Published: 24 April 2023 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Conflicts - Reading time: 5 min · 1107 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/wagner-group-russia-s-wildcard-in-ukraine-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Richard Wagner was a 19th Century opera composer who was Adolf Hitler’s favourite musician. 140 years after Wagner’s death, a mercenary group named after him is doing Russia’s bidding in Ukraine. The recent activities of the Wagner group, a Russian Private Military Company have been a hotly debated topic among corridors of power around the world. --- The recent activities of the Wagner group, a Russian Private Military Company have been a hotly debated topic among corridors of power around the world. Wagner mercenaries are known to have played a pivotal role in key Russian advances in the ongoing Battle of Bakhmut and the larger battle for Donbas. Informally referred to by Western media as Putin’s “little green men”, the Wagner group has been [termed](https://www.dw.com/en/more-than-mercenaries-russias-wagner-group-in-africa/a-64822234) a “vehicle for Russian influence”. From Africa to Latin America and Europe, the Wagner group has actively served as Russia’s muscle as it seeks to expand its global influence through military intervention in various regions around the world. Although mercenaries or soldiers of fortune have existed for centuries, the emergence of Private Military Companies (PMCs) is distinctly viewed as a post-Cold War phenomenon. PMCs are akin to corporates who offer specialised services in conflict including combat operations, intelligence collection and training. The USA is known to have extensively employed PMCs during their occupation of Iraq (2003-2011). Russia has maintained a cadre of PMCs that serve as part of its larger irregular warfare strategy, despite Moscow's constitutional ban on PMCs. Private military contractors flourished in Russia in the aftermath of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. They had sprung up amid several challenges plaguing the Russian military’s efficiency. As evident from its relatively unsuccessful operations in Chechnya and Georgia, the Russian military was [corrupt, ineffective, and understaffed](https://journals.library.cornell.edu/index.php/tcd/article/view/700/657) immediately post-Cold War. It was reliant on out-of-date equipment despite inheriting most of the Soviet Union’s nuclear and conventional arsenals. Moreover, one-fourths of the Russian Army were made up of conscripts with little to no combat experience. This is because the Russian constitution prohibits overseas deployment of conscripts unless in the event of a war. Outsourcing of fighting to mercenaries hence evolved as an affordable alternative to resolve the Army's staffing shortage while easing domestic criticism. Additionally, it gave the Russian government the legal freedom to intervene in local disputes worldwide without formally declaring war, while allowing for plausible deniability. The conceptualisation of the Wagner Group itself is said to have taken place in a 2010 meeting of the Russian General Staff. Although there are little facts about the meeting, some evidence shows that Eeben Barlow, the creator of the South African PMC, Executive Outcomes, was present at the meeting. The Wagner Group is currently headed by Yevgeny Prigozhin, a Russian oligarch nicknamed by media as “Putin’s chef”. The entity operates outside of any officially sanctioned Russian legal mandate and does not associate itself with a single ideology. Since its inception, the Wagner Group has focused mostly on ambiguous warfare in developing nations. The Wagner Group’s first assignment can be traced back to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014.  The organisation gained notoriety by assisting pro-Russian separatist fighters of the self-declared Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in the years that followed. Wagner employed 1,000 workers at the beginning of 2016, 5,000 by August 2017, and 6,000 by December 2017. The company allegedly has offices in Saint Petersburg and Hong Kong and is registered in Argentina. Wagner inaugurated a new corporate office and technological hub at PMC Wagner Center in the east of Saint Petersburg in November 2022. Early in October 2017, Ukrainian security services reported that Wagner had received budget increases of 185 million rubles (USD 3.1 million) and 40 or so Ukrainian nationals, with the remaining 95% of the workforce being Russian residents. There are three different units of Wagner: Rusich Unit, Serb Unit and Nidhogg unit. A unit of the Wagner Group called as Task Force Rusich, also described as a "sabotage and assault reconnaissance group," has been engaged in combat alongside Russian rebel fighters in eastern Ukraine. Rusich is referred to as a far-right extremist or neo-Nazi group, and a Slavic swastika appears on their logo. After completing a paramilitary training course offered by the Russian Imperial Legion, the fighting wing of the Russian Imperial Movement, Alexey Milchakov and Yan Petrovsky created the group in the summer of 2014. Wagner is thought to have a Serb unit that was, at least until April 2016, commanded by Davor Savi, a Bosnian Serb who served in both the Special Operations Unit (JSO) and the Serb Volunteer Guard (also known as Arkan's Tigers) during the Kosovo War and the Bosnian War (Ristic, 2016). There have been rumours that the Wagner group includes a small number of Norwegian and Scandinavian nationals. This unit is known as the "Nhöggr," or Nidhogg, is named after a fierce dragon from Norse mythology which is often depicted in its fighters’ patches. It has established an extensive presence in Africa in recent times. In the Syrian Civil War, it defended the Assad Regime from the Islamic State, Kurdish militants, and other opposition factions. It defended Mozambique’s oil-rich coast from Islamic State’s Central Africa Province’s (IS-CAP) in 2019 and fought the Fulani rebel forces in the Central African Republic on behalf of President Faustin-Archange Touadére. Wagner mercenaries also took part in General Khalifa Haftar's assault on the UN-backed government in Tripoli, Libya in April 2019. Wagner has also been attempting to establish substantial influence over Africa’s mining sector. Cash-strapped African governments often reward Wagner’s efforts through granting them mining concessions or access to markets, strategic ports and airbases. For instance, Prigozhin was awarded exclusive rights for gold mining in Sudan after Wagner mercenaries helped quell local uprising against Omar al-Bashir. Meanwhile, Prigozhin has also been awarded gold and diamond mining licenses in return for PMC Wagner’s engagement in CAR. Amid the war in Ukraine, the Wagner Group is known to have recruited mercenaries from Russian prisons. The Russian defence ministry has openly acknowledged the courageous and selfless role Wagner group mercenaries played in capturing the town of Soledar, a key Russian victory in the Battle of Bakhmut. According to Prigozhin, Wagner mercenaries’ primary objective in Bakhmut was to bleed the Ukrainian army dry. "Wagner soldiers openly advance under fire towards us even if they're littering the land with their bodies”, [notes](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-64153581) Commander Skala who is leading Ukraine’s operation in Bakhmut. As Russia increasingly relies on the Wagner Group to win the war in Ukraine, the Ukrainian and allied forces appear to have little ideas on warding off their pounding assaults. Moreover, Prigozhin has announced his intent to run for Ukraine’s President in 2024. Whatever the outcomes of the war in Ukraine, the Wagner Group is sure to have an outsized impact on what happens in the region. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Expanding the Horizons of Space Exploration the AI Way > It is but a matter of time before mankind's exploration of the cosmos moves towards active exploitation of viable resources. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/expanding-the-horizons-of-space-exploration-the-ai-way - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Vineeth Krishnan - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Space, AI - Reading time: 6 min · 1427 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/expanding-the-horizons-of-space-exploration-the-ai-way-2.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** It is but a matter of time before mankind's exploration of the cosmos moves towards active exploitation of viable resources. How soon this happens could well depend on the pace of advances in robotics and artificial intelligence. Since the beginning, mankind’s exploration of the cosmos has been assisted by the most cutting-edge technology of the time. --- How soon this happens could well depend on the pace of advances in robotics and artificial intelligence. Since the beginning, mankind’s exploration of the cosmos has been assisted by the most cutting-edge technology of the time. The needs of pioneering space missions played a major role in the development of computers, cryogenic fuels, high-thrust engines, robotics, radar and sensor technologies and many more. Indeed, not just ‘rocket science’ but also basic and applied sciences, including biosciences, all progressed as a result of humanity’s long-lasting fascination with the Moon and the stars. One emerging technological sector which has benefited space missions is Artificial Intelligence (AI). As a quintessential enabling technology, scientists and the industry have proposed widespread uses for AI systems on space missions, some of which have already been implemented. Ranging from AI assistants on board the International Space Station (ISS) to algorithms giving Mars rovers greater autonomy in their activities, various types of AI systems are actively helping humans better understand outer space. There are many ways to classify the types of applications AI has in the space arena with the most common methods being to identify them by the area of use (such as in deep space exploration, satellite operation, space systems manufacturing, space science etc) or the type of jobs performed (rovers, image analysis, health monitoring, reducing signal interference etc). However, at its crux, there are two broad spectrum of activities under which the use of AI in space can be classified. One is the application of AI to physical robotic systems which are intended to either assist or replace human activity in space and the other is the use of AI for a wide-scope of data-related activities which would then inform human actions. Various types of autonomous activities have been pre-programmed on rovers sent to Moon and Mars or to guide the activity of spacecraft sent to explore the vast reaches of space. However, on more recent missions, such as NASA’s Insight and Mars 2020 rovers, the advances being made in machine learning have been used to try and train these robots to have much greater autonomy in fulfilling their missions. The further into space such missions go, the longer it takes for controllers on Earth to be able to communicate with it and assist these spacecraft (whether rovers or orbiters) in making adjustments on the fly. In the case of a Mars mission, such to and fro communication happens at most once or twice every Martian day. Hence, whether it is with respect to their movements, the paths taken to work around obstacles or, as is the case in the Mars 2020 mission, enabling the functioning of the first robotic helicopter on the Red Planet, such autonomous decision-making is central to maximizing the expected output from such missions. However, an even more crucial role AI could play on such missions is by enabling the study of that which it was never programmed to. There are inherent limitations to what all a spacecraft is programmed to do before it lifts off from Earth. The greatest of those is that programmers can only program that which they are expecting to encounter and impart the necessary skills to fulfill the mission parameters. Increasingly, though, using machine learning techniques, rovers and orbiters are being trained to recognise and then image objects or events which deviate from the expected picture. The hope is that such systems will be able to detect things which may not have been on the mission mandate at all but could still significantly advance our knowledge of outer space. Other cases where AI could get applied to autonomous physical systems includes the examples of humanoids and other assistant robots which could be launched to the ISS or for setting up colonies on the Moon, Mars or elsewhere. Humanoids, such as Russia’s FEDOR have already visited the ISS and AI-powered enhanced versions of similar robots could accomplish various tasks which humans cannot or are too dangerous for humans to do. This could be lifting and transporting heavy cargo or machinery, say on the Moon, or conducting a spacewalk to do repairs under conditions of heavy duress. Such technologies have also been trialled for vastly different uses as well such as to monitor the health of astronauts on board the ISS, including their mental faculties, as well as to keep up morale by acting as an interactive companion. AI is also expected to be integrated on key modules of deep space habitats such as the planned lunar orbital platform, the Gateway. One application would be on the Canadarm-3, a robotic system that would both help in auto docking of cargo and crew modules with the Gateway as well as in autonomously conducting repairs and maintenance of the station. In the near future, it is to be expected that AI-augmented nanobots, self driving cars, autonomous resource extraction and storage systems and many more such technologies will get deployed on varying kinds of space missions. The second broad area where AI finds application in the space sector relates to its ability to analyze, manipulate and utilize large volumes of data at significantly greater speeds than humans. AI can help in fields like image analysis to identify patterns, narrow down on areas that require greater focus or to quickly cross reference with historic data and point out discrepancies. It can also help satellites perform on-board assimilation of data and thereby direct payloads to zero in on areas that need greater focus without having to wait for ground controllers to communicate that information to it. Such on-board assimilation also opens the door for direct communication of actionable information to the end user instead of waiting for such data to be downloaded, analyzed and then communicated from a central control office. AI can also assist in creating predictive models to deal with potential threats such as from space debris, asteroids or meteor showers as well as to track the orbital path of space assets to warn against potential chances of collision. AI-assisted data analysis can also be useful in deciding the path and timing of launches as well as for in-space navigation and maneuvering. With the rise of mega constellations of small satellites resulting in a crowded Low Earth Orbit (LEO), AI tools would be uniquely suited for the requirement of space traffic management and space situational awareness. For satellites operators as well, AI can assist in the placement and maneuvering of individual satellites in a constellation to ensure efficient provision of services with the least possible blind spots. Similarly, AI can contribute to the design, placement and positioning of ground stations and antennas to receive the sharpest spectrum of signals from on-orbit systems. At the satellite end of the system, AI can enhance signals being sent to the receivers by reducing the interference coming from other such space assets and choosing the best spectrum through which to send the sharpest signals at different periods of time and at varying distances from the receiving station or user terminal. It is evident that AI algorithms whether applied to enhance autonomous capabilities of robots or through machine learning and deep learning techniques to process data accumulated by satellites, have widespread existing and potential uses in the space sector. It can hence be assumed that as the capabilities of AI systems grow, the uses and the efficacy of that use in space missions will also continue to increase. Hence for any nation or private firm looking to develop as a potent player in the outer space arena, investing in having a robust capability in applied AI, along with related fields such as robotics and big data analysis, would certainly be a logical move. Indeed, envisioning a long-term future where mankind establishes new colonies out in space would be nearly impossible without artificial intelligence systems. It is perhaps then no wonder that any science fiction story or film which projects large-scale human settlement elsewhere in the universe (or exploration in preparation for colonizing), has also depicted AI systems of varying degrees of intelligence. Whether they are robot assistants like Star Wars’ R2-D2 or Interstellar’s TARS, an interactive artificial consciousness like DC’s Gideon or Marvel’s Jarvis or advanced sentient computers like HAL 9000 (2001: A Space Odyssey) or R.U.D.I (The Jetsons), these stellar characters are certainly likely to provide continued inspiration for the space sector’s use of AI systems into the future. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Alongside Intelligence, can Ethics be Artificially Created Too? > As the dawn of the Artificial Intelligence age beckons, can standards ensure that AI is 'ethical' or 'humane'? - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/alongside-intelligence-can-ethics-be-artificially-created-too - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Governance · Topics: AI - Reading time: 8 min · 1766 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/alongside-intelligence-can-ethics-be-artificially-created-too-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** As the dawn of the Artificial Intelligence age beckons, can standards ensure that AI is 'ethical' or 'humane'? A technology that at once holds great potential to help humans address some of the biggest problems facing mankind, could also evolve as a threat if its development is left unregulated. --- '? A technology that at once holds great potential to help humans address some of the biggest problems facing mankind, could also evolve as a threat if its development is left unregulated. Robots and intelligent machines have captured the human imagination for decades. Whether in science fiction or in visual media, intelligent artificial systems have often featured in prominent roles. However, there are extreme disparities in how such entities have been featured across a cross section of these plot lines. Fans of the Star Wars epics will have fond memories of assistant robots like R2D2 or C3PO. Those of the Terminator-franchise persuasion will recollect with dread the killer autonomous robots and the sentient system at its center, Skynet. Real-world developments in Artificial Intelligence (AI) are certainly some way off either of these extremes. Still, fast-paced advances in machine learning techniques have in recent years raised a pertinent debate: if humans do succeed in creating super-intelligent artificial systems, is it necessary that these machines will also imbibe qualities such as empathy or ethics? In other words, can AI be made ‘humane’, ‘lawful’ and ‘trustworthy’? The jury is still out on these important considerations. Advocates of AI, including most of the major tech majors in the world, highlight the immense benefits such systems can bring through boosting productivity and overcoming hurdles that humans are ill-equipped for. On the other hand, a growing number of alarmists including tech entrepreneur Elon Musk and philosopher Nick Bostrom argue that intelligent machines will eventually cause the end of humanity as we know it. As AI algorithms become increasingly prevalent in providing day-to-day services, there have also been certain high-profile instances of rogue decision-making by such systems, with an inability to mirror key human attributes of fairness and justice being particularly worrisome. At a time when equality, inclusiveness and overcoming of systemic biases are the buzzword in much of the world’s major democracies, will an AI-enabled future help eliminate prevailing social evils or exacerbate them? This is not, and should not, be a question merely for a traditionally reticent tech-community nor for the opaque ivory towers of national security decision making. Deliberations to set norms that will govern the way AI systems evolve will affect the entire global citizenry. As such, a whole-of-society approach is required at this juncture to ensure that the exponential integration of technology does not turn detrimental to humans. **Wait, isn’t technology unbiased?** At present, it is certainly true that the most prominent worry humans have with the rise of comparable intelligent beings boils down to a form of existentialism. Would there be any jobs left for humans if machines could be trained to replace them? This is not merely a worry for those in blue collar jobs such as factory workers, truckers or construction personnel – some of the groups which have organised across the world against the entry of AI and robotics into their domains. What of so-called upper management across industries whose day-to-day work can be replaced in an instant with a system that can operate MS Powerpoint and Excel? Who will Human Resources ‘manage’ once humans are mostly out of the picture? Will there be a need for editors, reporters and columnists whose job is increasingly dependent on technology with each passing day? What of research and risk analysts or social scientists when faced with systems that can assimilate millions of data points in an instant and give predictive analysis? Will even healthcare professionals be spared once robotics evolves to levels where the most complex of surgeries can be performed with no human assistance required? Diagnostic treatments could certainly be taken over by systems fed with decades of practical medical records, not to mention the data from medical texts and journals. Eventually, when machines evolve to the level where they can program for themselves and increase their own efficiency, humans could find themselves unneeded even in the software and tech industry. At this point, what functions would mankind serve and would machines – akin to Skynet or Ultron if Marvel Comics is more your fancy – exercise their own judgement on the worth of human beings and proceed to act based on their assessment? This scenario, while set reasonably far ahead in the future is the driving force behind efforts geared towards ensuring that AI, as well as technologies entailing an intersection of AI and robotics, evolves to be pro-human. Such efforts are considered particularly crucial at the current point of time when machine learning algorithms are quickly enabling the development of artificial neural networks to evolve to think like the human brain. However, in the quest for developing highly advanced forms of sentient AI there are quite a few visible drawbacks that could have far worse real-world implications in the short-run, than mere existential rhetoric. What makes these potential societal impacts all the more troublesome is that unlike a mass lay-off of workers, such technology-driven systemic imbalances would set in slowly, hardly drawing any attention while helping exacerbate existing differences in society. ‘The Social Dilemma’, a 2020 Netflix docudrama highlighted the potential impact deeper integration of technology into daily activity of people could have at multiple levels ranging from mental health to polarisation in society, even leading to widespread destabilisation across the globe. The film is focused on the impacts generated by unabashed proliferation of social media networks – increasingly a major data source feeding the development of AI algorithms in the commercial sector. While one docudrama is certainly not enough to base holistic opinions on any matter around, it is let’s say a good gateway drug for today’s social media addicted population to begin a much-required rehab process questioning how much control we are willing to cede to unbridled tech majors. Technological innovation and development since the information and communication revolution have been largely carried forward by the private sector. Technologies including social media seem to be evolving to resemble classic dual-use technologies with the weaponisable attributes starting to reveal their ugly heads from under the garb of a rosy veil of civilian use. Ethical concerns raised against the current trajectory of the evolution of machine intelligence are many. Usage of users’ personal data by big tech companies such as Facebook, Google, Amazon and Netflix have been subject to rampant criticism on the grounds of privacy violations. The companies’ business model of “[surveillance capitalism](https://www.amazon.com/Age-Surveillance-Capitalism-Future-Frontier/dp/1610395697)”, i.e the manipulation of user behaviour and preferences through use of algorithms has been termed highly unethical. The phrase ‘data is the new oil’ is now commonplace when discussing the evolution of AI algorithms. Any machine learning system is only as good as the quality and the quantity of the data that is fed in to ‘train’ the system on how to carry out its objectives. Avoiding bias of all forms in data used to train algorithms as well as rendering programming transparent occupy a central place in the discourse on data ethics. For instance, algorithms designed to support decision-making in various organisations have been criticised for the lack of means to ensure accountability. Use of algorithms in predictive analysis in particular has been seen to be problematically biased in its outcomes, aggravating the existing inequalities in the society. AI systems have been typically shown to pick up on patent or latent biases in training data. For instance, the [Correctional Offender Management Profiling for Alternative Sanctions](https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2018/01/equivant-compas-algorithm/550646/) (COMPAS), an American predictive policing algorithm intended to identify the likelihood of a criminal committing further offences had a tendency to earmark African-Americans “almost twice as likely as whites to be labeled a higher risk”.  A follow-up study found that the white criminals whom the algorithm labelled as lower risk were found to commit more future crimes. In another notable instance, Amazon [discontinued](https://www.reuters.com/article/us-amazon-com-jobs-automation-insight-idUSKCN1MK08G) its AI recruitment tool which was meant to automate its search for the best suitable employees. The algorithm which had been trained on resumes of applicants who were prominently male was hence seen to not favour any female candidates. In both these cases, the algorithm seems to be riddled with cognitive or statistical biases with the effect of perpetuating prevailing biases in the society. The opacity of AI systems further constitutes a major issue from the point of view of accountability. This is an inherent feature of machine learning wherein the algorithm often identifies patterns often unforeseen by the programmer who may label the data according to his/her convenience. When AI’s analysis is used as a basis for decision-making, it is next to impossible for the programmer or the affected person to identify the basis on which the system arrived at the particular outcome. Renowned diplomat Henry Kissinger posits that democratic decision-making will be fundamentally affected if humans proceed to rely on a supposedly superior technology for decision-making, but is unable to explain its decisions. However, government intervention to regulate the nature of evolution and use of technologies such as machine learning has been minimal. Such conversations have been particularly hard to achieve in democracies where the need to regulate civilians’ use of ICTs has been pressed down by narratives drawing comparisons to authoritarian regimes trampling over individual rights, freedom of expression and right to privacy. In this background, big tech has forged forward like messiahs of everything that is good and positive in the world while making and breaking their own rules and pitting regulation as the ultimate enemy. Much of the problems that we face today has resulted out of this unsavoury marriage of developers’ myopia along with an absence of regulation. AI offers immense potential to eliminate problems plaguing humanity such as hunger and disease and can make education truly universal. However, there is a real risk that it may instead work to aggravate destabilisation and oppression of vulnerable groups if left as a tool at the whims and fancies of the powerful political and commercial entities who seek to solidify their position. Tackling issues related to bias and transparency is the only way to ensure that AI evolves as an enabler of well-intentioned human endeavours. This can be achieved through bringing more stakeholders into building regulatory regimes and more importantly through building means through which non-experts on the subject can understand and question what goes behind the workings of an algorithm. Biases need to be tackled through incorporating diverse attributes into data used to train AI systems. Standardisation and regulation are the need of the hour as humanity moves toward an AI-enabled future. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Arabian Nights, Now Nuclear Powered > Through cutting-edge investments in high-technology, the UAE seeks to project itself as an emerging, dynamic hub of all things ‘gen-next’. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/arabian-nights-now-nuclear-powered - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Vineeth Krishnan - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Nuclear - Reading time: 5 min · 1129 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/arabian-nights-now-nuclear-powered-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** Through cutting-edge investments in high-technology, the UAE seeks to project itself as an emerging, dynamic hub of all things ‘gen-next’. The path to reshaping its identity from that of just another oil-rich Gulf state necessitates some bold choices. Commissioning the Barakah nuclear facility is one such roll of the dice. --- The path to reshaping its identity from that of just another oil-rich Gulf state necessitates some bold choices. Commissioning the Barakah nuclear facility is one such roll of the dice. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has emerged as a rather surprising new hub for the nuclear energy industry. In August 2020, UAE saw the first nuclear reactor in the Arabian Peninsula, the Barakah-1, get connected to the grid. In a geopolitical region perhaps better known for its fossil fuel production than anything else, the embrace of nuclear energy is a courageous political gambit.  The West Asian region has had a troubled history related to the nuclear sector. Whether it is in Iraq, Iran, Israel or Syria, well known attacks on nuclear reactors with varying degrees of success have been carried out over the years. In this context, why have the decision-makers that be of the Emirati federation taken the decision to embrace nuclear power? Economic factors, the relative performance of competing energy sectors (whether renewable or non-renewable), risk assessments and the weight of international public opinion (as well as domestic even if it may be a lesser consideration) would all have been factors that were taken into consideration before the project got the green light in 2009. However, technological compulsions and the potential for a resultant boost in international stature may well have been the factors that moved the needle in the final analysis. The nuclear power industry has been in existence since the 1950s. Over the decades, there have been catastrophic nuclear accidents which have taken place in leading technological powers such as the Soviet Union, USA and Japan. Meanwhile, in recent decades, other renewable energy sectors (led by solar but also other sectors such as wind) have caught and surpassed nuclear energy in terms of cost of energy production when calculated over the lifetime of those installations. However, nuclear energy has long offered certain intangibles for a nation’s standing in the international system which other energy installations just cannot offer.  A metaphoric reference from popular culture could well be handy here. The Marvel franchise’s *The Avengers* movie sees the Asgardian hero Thor talk of mankind’s work on the Tesseract as having signalled that the Earth is ready for a ‘higher form of war’. (Interestingly, the Tesseract itself is quoted to be a potential source for ‘unlimited sustainable energy’ elsewhere in the film.) While one would certainly hope that establishing a nuclear power plant would not be seen as an invitation for conflict (or indeed, that it leads to the pursuit of nuclear weapons), mastering nuclear technology is very much a coming of age moment for the scientific knowledge base of any nation.  South Korea is of course setting up the four reactors at the Barakah site and as such, the UAE certainly cannot make any claims whatsoever on having achieved the indigenous technological capacity to become a player in the nuclear energy sector. However, they do have to start somewhere and by getting their citizens trained in operating the Barakah plant, the UAE is laying the stepping stones for enhancing their understanding of the sector. The UAE has proven itself more than ready to play the long game, with their 100-year plan to establish a city on Mars (the target is 2117) being an example. Just as they asked for and received significant handholding from the USA for its Amal (Hope) orbiter mission to Mars, in the nuclear sector, it is again the USA and the American ally, South Korea, who have been approached to be the initial guiding lights. Critics of the development have cited any number of [‘low-probability, high-impact risks’](https://www.aljazeera.com/economy/2020/7/15/nuclear-gulf-experts-sound-the-alarm-over-uae-nuclear-reactors) as reasons to force a reconsideration of the Emirates’ plans. Just some of the concerns raised by various commentators are: - The potential for a nuclear disaster caused by natural disasters or human incompetence; - The possibility of an aerial attack similar to the Houthi rocket salvo against Saudi Arabian oil fields or the Israeli bombing raids on Iraq’s nuclear facilities; - Rumours that the reactor design and construction have cut corners; - Worries on theft of nuclear material or waste; - Cross-regional fallout in case of spillage of radioactive material into the Arabian Gulf; - The lack of transparency by UAE’s regulatory agencies; - And of course, the old go-to of anti-nuclear protestors everywhere, the possibility for a secretive nuclear weapons program being developed which then escalates into an all-out nuclear arms race in the region. Devoting time and energy to prove why such worries are unfounded at best, or downright cynical at worst, is a fool’s errand. A quick sampling of protests against nuclear energy installations across the world show a few common factors. There are well-organized lobbying efforts in nearly all cases, which prey on the fertile ground that is the intersection of a lack of knowledge among the masses on the working of nuclear power plants and the inherent fear of the word ‘nuclear’ itself - which results from the Hiroshima-Nagasaki weapon usage being most people’s impulsive go-to on hearing the term. How many ever safety audits, reliability reports or damage limitation studies are authored, the facts and scientific basis can easily be undone by mere whataboutism – oh, what happened to Chernobyl/Fukushima etc. The reality is far less important than the perception and very few democratic governments have the conviction to fight and win this battle when periodic elections are the central concern.  The UAE, in this context is uniquely placed, with its rulers enjoying a greater sense of stability than is even seen in some of the other autocratic regimes in their own vicinity. However, the Emirs of the Federation realize full well that given their relative disparity in size compared to other prominent West Asian nations, their ability to remain an internationally-relevant player depends as much on their continued modernisation and ability to attract the brightest talents from far and wide, as anything else. Pursuing nuclear energy shows the world the UAE’s commitment to enhance its scientific prowess and emerge as a knowledge economy. Having a working nuclear power plant also comes with various advantages for [research in other fields](https://www.world-nuclear.org/information-library/non-power-nuclear-applications/overview/the-many-uses-of-nuclear-technology.aspx) such as medicine, desalination, agriculture, potentially even automobiles.  Through cutting-edge investments in sectors such as space technologies, clean energy and modernist architecture, the UAE is well on course to projecting itself as an emerging, dynamic hub of all things ‘gen-next’. The path to reshaping its identity from being seen as nothing more than an oil-rich, geographically-blessed transport hub to being recognized as a rising technological power necessitates some bold choices. Commissioning the Barakah facility is certainly one such roll of the dice. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Back to the DART Board: How Serious is the Asteroid Threat? > NASA successfully demonstrated its asteroid redirect mission, DART. But is humanity really facing an extinction-level threat from space? - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/back-to-the-dart-board-how-serious-is-the-asteroid-threat - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Space - Reading time: 7 min · 1497 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/back-to-the-dart-board-how-serious-is-the-asteroid-threat-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** NASA successfully demonstrated its asteroid redirect mission, DART. But is humanity really facing an extinction-level threat from space? The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) recently executed its Double Asteroid Redirection Test (DART), in the first-ever planetary defense demonstration mission. --- The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) recently executed its [Double Asteroid Redirection Test (DART)](https://www.nasa.gov/press-release/nasa-s-dart-mission-hits-asteroid-in-first-ever-planetary-defense-test), in the first-ever planetary defense demonstration mission. The DART spacecraft intentionally rammed into 160 metre-wide Dimorphos, the moonlet of the 780 metre-asteroid Didymos on 28 September 2022. In doing so, it successfully [altered](https://www.nasa.gov/press-release/nasa-s-dart-mission-hits-asteroid-in-first-ever-planetary-defense-test) the smaller body’s orbit by about 1% (about 10 minutes). It thereby succeeded in using [kinetic impact](https://solarsystem.nasa.gov/missions/dart/in-depth/) to change an asteroid’s motion in space. The success of the $324.5 million-mission has been termed as a “significant addition to the toolbox” that humanity must possess in order to protect the Earth from getting destroyed by an asteroid that may be hurtling towards it. The perceived threat from giant space rocks or planets colliding with our planet and wiping out humanity has arguably been embedded within the human fear psyche in recent times. Such scenarios have been colourfully depicted by popular Hollywood movies over the past two decades. Asteroids herein appear to be the harbingers of the biblical events of Armageddon and apocalypse which shall bring about the ultimate destruction of the world. Incidentally, Armageddon is also the name of the infamous 1998 movie whose plot revolves around fictitious American oil drillers who save the planet from a killer asteroid by drilling a hole to detonate a nuclear weapon to split it in half. Meanwhile, the 2021 film, Don’t Look Up sought to present in a satirical form, humanity’s lack of coordination and helplessness while facing a real existential threat from a comet. Such depictions in popular culture, may have served to magnify the threat perception from near-earth asteroids headed to collide with Earth. As early as 2005, the US Congress first passed a bill mandating NASA to find and track near-Earth objects (NEOs) of 140-metre or larger by 2020. However, the mandate suffered from lack of funding. The trend began to change in 2010, when the White House announced a 5-fold increase in funding for NEO observation in the lead up to setting up a full-fledged planetary defense program. For instance, in 2018-2019 period, NASA [allocated](https://www.planetary.org/articles/nasas-planetary-defense-budget-growth) about $150 million on planetary defense, a figure 40 times more than the budgetary allocation in 2009. While the increase in funding has been attributed to a 2010 National Research Council (NRC) Report which presented the rationalisation in scientific and policy terms, NASA pointed to its human spaceflight program to justify increased funding. Gaining knowledge about NEOs herein was essential to take human spaceflight in newer directions through acquiring capabilities to take human beings to multiple destinations including “the Moon, asteroids, Lagrange points, and Mars and its environs”. Contextualising the same within the “New Space Race”, it follows that politics was the most important factor in planetary defense acquiring more importance by the second decade of the 21st Century. Funding increases may also have been prompted by the [2013 incident](https://earthsky.org/space/chelyabinsk-meteor-exploded-over-russia-feb-15-2013/) wherein a small asteroid, the size of a building fell on to Russia’s Chelyabinsk Oblast causing minor damage to property and injuries (mostly from the shattering of glass) to the city’s inhabitants. As per data [released](https://earthsky.org/space/evidence-for-26-atom-bomb-scale-asteroid-impacts-since-2000/) by the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Organization in 2014, the Earth had witnessed at least 26 asteroid impacts on Earth during the 2000-2013 period which released energy equivalent to that of nuclear explosions. However, there has only been one [recorded](https://www.sciencealert.com/we-finally-have-credible-evidence-of-someone-being-killed-by-a-falling-meteorite) instance of a person having been killed from an meteorite hit in an incident that occurred in 1888 in Turkey. The impact of an asteroid of that fell into Mexico’s Yucatan Peninsula is widely [speculated](https://www.space.com/dinosaur-impactor-origin) to have caused dinosaurs to go extinct about sixty-six million years ago. NASA consequently categorises a potential [strike](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03071847.2014.969932) from an asteroid wider than 10 km as an extinction-class event. A recent finding by Chinese scientists has contradicted this notion. According to this study published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, the decline in dinosaur diversity [occurred](https://tech.hindustantimes.com/tech/news/did-asteroid-kill-the-dinosaurs-this-study-reveals-shocking-details-71664025380952.html) due to climatic fluctuations and volcanic eruptions, with the asteroid impact potentially accelerating the impact on a vulnerable ecosystem. "There's nothing, there's no asteroid that we know of that poses a significant threat to Earth," Kelly Fast, who is a near-Earth object observations program manager at NASA noted in November 2021. NASA’s establishment of the [Planetary Defense Coordination Office (PDCO)](https://www.nasa.gov/planetarydefense/overview) in 2016 whose task is to detect and track potentially threatening NEOs, issue warnings and devise strategies have contributed to a growing body of knowledge on the nature of threat from NEOs. An increase in alarmism and focus on planetary defense may simply be viewed as a consequence of this increased knowledge and improvements in means of tracking. Moreover, the human mind itself works in such a way that it tends to be more aware of an event the more it learns about it. Planetary Defense in this context “[lacks](https://www.academia.edu/30658416/Planetary_Defense_As_A_Gateway_To_Space_For_Commercial_And_Deep_Space_Exploration) convincing statistics” for politicians to make a call on how much of an immediate threat it is. Politicians’ considerations in this context may very well be influenced by vested interest from the military-industrial complex. Similar [hype](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03071847.2014.969932) accorded to cyber warfare has been noted to be helpful in keeping a steady inflow of money coming in, while media also becomes a winner in a hyping game. Hyping threats such as those from asteroids may also serve as a classic diversionary tactic, which may justify these significant costs. For commercial space players, improved knowledge upon NEOs means a stronger basis for growing space mining ventures, no matter how far-fetched in the future their realisation could be. Securitising such threats may also serve to legitimise the setting up of branches of military dedicated to outer space and may provide the means to weaponise outer space. Afterall, depictions of planetary defense missions in popular culture has involved on some level detonation of nuclear weapons in outer space, the clear ban on which seems to be the only solid grounding on which the international legal regime on outer space currently stands upon. The underlying intentions of leading spacefaring nations in this context need to be viewed in the light of evolving geopolitics. Existential threats ranging from climate change to pandemics have wiped out entire civilisations since time immemorial. Moreover, the world continues to reel on several levels from the continued impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. The idiosyncrasy of spending millions of dollars to engage in a suicidal, yet purportedly noble mission becomes questionable in this context. Space missions have never been insulated from this question although the disproportionate amount of resources allocated to them have been justified around a construct of national security, along with pride and prestige. However, deploying a mission such as DART to destroy a killer asteroid to save life on earth might be hard to realise in case of an eventuality. For one, existing capabilities in Space Situational Awareness with respect to NEOs can only predict their trajectory, size and velocity within an average time-frame of a few weeks. From launch to impact, a mission such as DART took at least 13 months of time to achieve (a giant leap of a) blip on a space rock. Timely and adequate response in this context appears to be the need of the hour. While the DART mission needs to be lauded for enhancing preparedness with respect to planetary defense, the preparedness needs to be made well-rounded with improvements in Space Situational Awareness (SSA). Resources may also be poured into answering the questions on “how to be responsive in space”, a problem that entities including the Pentagon and the US Space Force have been intent on [tackling](https://breakingdefense.com/2022/09/24-hours-from-go-next-space-force-responsive-launch-experiment-aims-to-loft-satellite-in-a-hurry/). Simply put, responsive launch capability refers to the [ability](https://spacewatch.global/2021/07/spacewatchgl-share-leveraging-responsive-space-and-rapid-reconstitution/) to launch on demand to meet time-bound contingencies during times of war. Such rapid launch capabilities that provide the means to carry a payload to destroy an incoming asteroid are equally important to neutralise a potential existential threat. Moreover, such rapid response capabilities in space need to be based on a comprehensive awareness of the space domain. Responsive launch based on strong SSA in this context for any nation-state to keep drawing strategic, commercial and scientific dividends from exploitation of outer space. Views may vary on how big of a threat asteroids pose to planetary security, especially as the [evolving discourse](https://www.sipri.org/research/peace-and-development/climate-change-and-risk/planetary-security-initiative) on the area has underlined [climate change](https://www.nato.int/docu/review/articles/2019/12/10/planetary-security-the-security-implications-of-climate-change/index.html) as a bigger challenge threatening the survival of life as we know it. This is not to suggest that viable countermeasures to thwart a inanimate threat from outer space should not be developed. However, the [thin odds](https://www2.jpl.nasa.gov/sl9/back2.html) as prevailing statistics indicate have to be taken into account and viable capabilities need to be developed in this light. Most importantly, the credibility of securitisation process in case of planetary defense need to be examined in light of wider and more immediate threats, especially as geopolitical interests are increasingly dictating the future of outer space as the common province of all mankind. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Can Responsible Power India Hold Friends Accountable? > India is today a responsible great power. However, 2022 posed unprecedented challenges regarding how India will deal with its friends when they step out of line. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/can-responsible-power-india-hold-friends-accountable - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Vineeth Krishnan - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Special Features - Reading time: 7 min · 1623 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/can-responsible-power-india-hold-friends-accountable-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** India is today a responsible great power. However, 2022 posed unprecedented challenges regarding how India will deal with its friends when they step out of line. With great power comes great responsibility and in IR, this necessitates India hold the USA and Russia accountable for disturbing global peace and stability. --- With great power comes great responsibility and in IR, this necessitates India hold the USA and Russia accountable for disturbing global peace and stability. What does it mean to be a responsible power? What are the expectations? Is it merely to stand by idly and watch as another great power breaks all established norms and actively provokes other states? Sure, it may be easy to do so if the great power takes on a far weaker opponent and particularly if the theatre of conflict does not threaten to drag one into it. It may be easier still if the erring great power is an ally or a friend while the adversary is a potential threat to one’s national security. There may even be a domestic audience that wants the adversary to get a bloody nose and would want the state to stick by the ally/friend just for parochial reasons. However, does that make one a responsible power? India may have gained much since the post 2000s bonhomie with the USA. Indeed, it is Washington which went to bat for India’s non-proliferation credentials and gave it the tag of a responsible, de facto Nuclear Weapon State. Since the announcement of the Next Steps in Strategic Partnership in 2004, the MoU on civil nuclear cooperation a year later and finally with the culmination of the 123 Agreement or the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement of 2008, the two states have indeed walked the walk, as far as deepening ties into a true strategic partnership with the potential to be a "[force for good](https://www.rediff.com/news/report/indo-us-ties-force-for-good-modi-among-closest-on-earth-biden/20220524.htm#:~:text=The%20strategic%20relationship%20between%20India%20and%20the%20United,US%20President%20Joe%20Biden%20in%20Tokyo%20on%20Tuesday.)" for the entire world.  However, does the same tag of responsibility that the USA enshrined on India mean that New Delhi says and does nothing when it perceives its friend making a grave miscalculation? Does the USA lauding India’s rise, opening doors to enter what had previously been exclusive clubs closed to it, give it a free pass? Is toeing the proverbial line and looking the other way a ‘responsible’ behaviour from India, which has been well-acknowledged as being as close one can get to a figurative moral compass in international relations? For three major reasons the answers to all these questions should be an emphatic and resounding NO. 1. Being a responsible power means making difficult judgement calls when they are needed. When someone is wrong, no matter who it is, the conviction to call them out is important and expected of a responsible power. India rightly understood Russia’s point of view and made the call that what is essentially a European war fuelled by missteps on both sides should not be one for India to take a stance on. It rightfully condemned any loss of life and bloodshed and called on all parties involved to come to the negotiating table and to end the conflict as quickly as possible. A quick aside, here, anyone who argues the Ukraine invasion is merely a bilateral war (or an unilateral invasion) is severely undermining the role of Europe’s biggest powers, particularly Germany and France, which were legally tasked to ensure negotiations in good faith between Kiev and its separatist regions. Similarly, the role of the USA in covertly triggering the Maidan revolution and then stoking Ukrainian ambitions by promising military sales of such a magnitude that no responsible power should ever give to another state, further added to the deterioration of things on the ground.  India understood Russia’s redlines just as it understood the predicament of the Ukrainian people and did the best it could in that situation. India has hardly ever strayed from its long-stated policy of non-intervention in the internal affairs of others and continued this trend in what is essentially a regional war. This is as much as could be done once the war was underway. Could India have done more in light of the massacre in Bucha and the continued nuclear sabre-rattling from Russia, particularly from the point of view of playing a mediator role? India is well-served by a strong diplomatic cadre in the region and their efficiency in pulling out stranded Indian citizens through both the European and Russian corridors was a remarkable feat witnessed by the world. In this light, once Operation Ganga was completed, could/should India’s diplomatic core have been re-tasked to act as interlocutors to the conflict?  There certainly is no clear answer to this question and one can see it either way. Perhaps doing so would have been an overreach of what is expected of a responsible power which is by no stretch of the imagination a party to this conflict. Certainly, it is a clear example to show how difficult a task it is for a country’s leadership to act on its potential capability to mediate peace without overstepping its bounds. The benefit of the doubt definitely should be accorded to India’s government in deciding to stick with its time-honoured non-intervention principles. However, in the aftermath of Nancy Pelosi's damaging and frankly befuddling visit to Taiwan, India should have acted with far greater conviction. It has taken [three full months](https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3197684/china-tells-us-envoy-beijing-neither-side-can-change-each-other-first-official-meeting) for the first notable dialogue of any sort between these two powers to recommence. Even now, such talks remain embittered and the general peace and stability across the Taiwan straits remains strained, to put it mildly. The ties between the two states, already perceived to be in a New Cold War by many keen geopolitical analysts, are bound to shape international relations for the coming decades. For students of IR, the memory of what (nearly) took place in 1962, the last time two powers engaged in a Cold War had a major breakdown in communications, is never too far from recollection. Considering this, India as a responsible power in world affairs, must call out Pelosi for very deliberately provoking Beijing when all the world knows that Taiwan is China's biggest redline. Otherwise, would it not want any power in the world to stand in its corner if one fine day any great power, let’s say China, dictates that Pakistan Occupied Kashmir is not occupied but an integral part of Pakistan? Indeed, given the hue and cry India has made about the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, the answer to that question is that unequivocally India would want the world to condemn such a statement. In that case, considering the USA and India have both formally agreed to the One China Policy, the right, nay, responsible thing to do would be to call out Pelosi and enquire of its friend in Washington as to how could it act so irresponsibly? 2. Secondly, the immortal dictum, no permanent friends or enemies, just interests is something to keep in mind. Sure, the USA and India may be converging on many aspects now. Certainly, the USA and India see China as a threat currently. But it is also equally true that India from day one has been making an earnest attempt to work with every state and build peace and stability, rather than take the easy route of going to war on every small issue. The great American thinker John Mearsheimer, whose views on many other areas I completely agree with, makes the point of intent to use force as being a key component of great power status. A counter to this view, though, is that having the strength to not take the easy option and enter into mindless wars is equally a sign of a mature great power. The USA's own recent history makes this abundantly clear. What was achieved by going to war in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya or Syria other than the further eroding of global peace and stability? It takes military might to go to war. It takes courage, maturity and responsibility to not go into unjustified wars as well. 3. For the very same reasons that then US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles termed India’s non-aligned actions during the Cold War as ‘immoral’, any perception of India selectively choosing the instances where it calls out the great powers for wrongful actions would lead to questions being raised of its ‘responsible’ tag. If India condemns China acting in violation of UNCLOS for example, it should have the conviction to similarly call out the USA, particularly in a situation which could easily escalate into an unnecessary kinetic conflict that would demand of New Delhi to choose a clear side. Make no mistake, if China is pushed into a corner, it will go to war over Taiwan. A research paper using prospect theory to study the behaviour of China’s presidents’ when provoked by external threats clearly shows that they have been more risk taking than risk averse in such situations. Let us please not underestimate China’s resilience or just how strongly the state feels about the Taiwan question. For any reader from India, a clear parallel is how Indians feel on the question of getting back every inch of Kashmir illegally occupied by both Pakistan and China. The USA (assuming the chatter on Pelosi’s visit being against the Biden administration’s wishes is mere rhetoric) is clearly on the wrong here. It is against its own adherence to the One China policy. It is difficult to say whether the USA truly understands Asian powers and the value these states put on respect as a key component of its national and cultural identities. If the USA had any doubts, perhaps it should have learned its lessons in Afghanistan. Pelosi's visit shows it certainly has not. India must have the conviction to call out the USA to nip the possibility of any escalation before it begins. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Could Drones Become the New Weapon of Choice for Terrorists? > The USA-led NATO forces widely employed drones to carry out counter-terror operations during the War on Terror. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/could-drones-become-the-new-weapon-of-choice-for-terrorists - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Radhika Shaw - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Military - Reading time: 5 min · 1165 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/could-drones-become-the-new-weapon-of-choice-for-terrorists-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The USA-led NATO forces widely employed drones to carry out counter-terror operations during the War on Terror. A few short years later, however, drones are now fast becoming a technology to be feared in the hands of the very groups they were designed to hunt. --- A few short years later, however, drones are now fast becoming a technology to be feared in the hands of the very groups they were designed to hunt. The advent of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) have been representative of the changing character of warfare in the 21st Century. Colloquially referred to as ‘drones’ for their resemblance to flying insects or bees, UAVs can simply be understood as multipurpose flying robots. The past decade has witnessed the raid and widespread diffusion of the technology leading to it being profusely adapted in the civilian and military spheres alike. Drones vary based on size to type and design and purpose. On the basis of the number of engines they entail, drones can be [classified](https://circuitdigest.com/article/different-types-of-drone-frames-monocopter-to-octocopter) as: bicopters (two engines), tricopters (three engines), quadrocopters (four engines), hexacopters (six engines), octocopters (eight engines). On the basis of application, four types of drones can be [identified](https://www.insidegnss.com/auto/janfeb08-wp.pdf): - **Micro/Mini UAVs**: mostly being found in fields like surveillance, film making, pollution measurement. - **Tactical UAVs**: is found in various fields such as communication relay, search, and rescue, etc - **Strategic UAVs**: this are mainly found in airport security systems, etc. - **Special Tasks UAVs**: these are most important UAVs used for several armed forces tasks such as anti-ship, anti-radar, aerial, and naval deception etc. On the commercial front, drones are being used in areas ranging from entertainment to agriculture and scientific research. Drones are employed in Geodesy to gather aerial pictures or for archaeological imagery, oceanography, geophysics, flight research etc. Moreover, states have been consistently using them in supporting roles to address various challenges to security including crowd control, disaster management and emergency response in cases such as fire. Such applications include thermal imaging and detection and vision support. Consequently, a number of state and non-state actors are involved in both producing and utilising the technology. Characteristics of drones such as their small size, endurance, manoeuvrability and efficiency have been particularly attractive for militaries. Drones in this respect act as force multipliers that help the military increase the efficacy of their firepower, mobility, protection, communication and intelligence. Their induction into the military sphere was largely to boost Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities through their employment in areas ranging from border management to patrolling of critical military infrastructure. The USA pioneered the way in utilising drones in an attack function in the ongoing War on Terror during President Barack Obama’s administration. The [MQ-1 Predator](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-60047328), originally conceptualised for surveillance purposes was fitted with the Hellfire missiles to identify and target terrorist organisations’ leadership in Yemen, Iraq, Afghanistan and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), situated in north-western Pakistan. The Predator has been identified as the [iconic](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-60047328) weapon of that period for the waging of counter-counter-insurgency warfare and served to bolster the USA’s unipolar moment while establishing its image as a dominant superpower. However, the diffusion of technology has since then arguably proven to be a vulnerability. Drones allow their users to project airpower at a cheap cost. This factor along with relatively easy accessibility make the platform particularly attractive for violent non-state actors who seek to employ the same to challenge state actors’ conventional superiority. Their ability to attack various targets rapidly, often simultaneously, while offering the potential to cause huge losses further magnify their utility for terrorists as evidenced by multiple instances over the past two decades. Such tactics have been employed both by lonewolf terrorists as well as terrorist organisations. Terrorists outfits including Hezbollah, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as well as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) have been have been using drones in multiple terror attacks. In March 2004 a [Palestinian extremist](https://idsa.in/system/files/jds_3_3_alele_amishra.pdf) group, used explosives loaded drones to attack Jewish settlement in Gaza Strip. In November 2004, Hezbollah [used](https://fas.org/pir-pubs/hezbollah-use-drones-weapon-terrorism/) the Misrad-1 drone to enter Israeli airspace. Ahead of being intercepted by Israel, the drone is said to have lingered over Nahariya, a town in Western Galilee before travelling back to Lebanon. Hezbollah used the same drone in April 2005 while avoiding Israel’s radars. In doing so, it awoke the world to the threat of drone’s ability to evade sophisticated aerial warning systems and presented the potential for the technology to carry deliver explosives to upto 40-50 kilograms to carry out an attack. In another striking instance in October 2012, it [flew](https://www.reuters.com/article/us-lebanon-israel-drone-idUSBRE89A19J20121011) the Iranian-made Ayub drone over the Dimona nuclear weapons complex, presumably attempting to capture and transmit images of the same before getting shot down by Israeli aircraft. The very first publicly known instance of ISIS using drones was in 2014 when a video showing military bases in Raqqa city surfaced on YouTube this instance was showcasing the possibility that drones could be employed by terrorist organisations to improve circumstantial awareness and use superior propaganda material. Another act of image capturing, and monitoring was conducted by ISIS in 2015 early April. Another video released by ISIS had images of an archaeological site, having pagan gods and their desire to simply ruin the place. Video release of ISIS in the same year communicating their ability of drones’ usage in reconnaissance missions to coordinate Baiji attacks. As recently as 2019, Yemen’s Houthi rebels [targeted](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/14/world/middleeast/saudi-arabia-refineries-drone-attack.html) two installations belonging to the Saudi Aramco in what has been termed “their most audacious strike on the kingdom of Saudi Arabia”. The attack had the effect of escalating tensions in the Persian Gulf and posed a serious threat in terms of risking the disruption of global oil supplies. Threat from use of drones by terrorists is often considered hypothetical. Whether such a use has resulted in a grave threat to security is largely subjective. However, such an instance resulting in grave losses of life, property or territory is very much in the realm of reality. While the capacity to produce highly advanced military drones rests with [a handful of countries](https://fas.org/pir-pubs/hezbollah-use-drones-weapon-terrorism/) including the USA and Israel, drone technology is otherwise widely diffused around the world. China in particular has found a number of eager customers in the Middle East. Drones used by Iranian-backed militias were [noted](https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2022/08/drones-used-iran-backed-militias-are-coming-china-us-says) to be of Chinese origin during a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing held on 4 August, 2022. While these may not match the technical sophistication of those used by militaries, the drones employed by terrorists in several instances have demonstrated an ability to evade advanced aerial-warning systems and poses severe threat to critical infrastructure and could compromise militaries’ ability to defend as well as respond to a threat. Deployment of drone swarms in a kamikaze mode or drones equipped with radioactive ‘dirty’ bombs in this context constitutes a grave threat and one that cannot be discounted as hypothetical. Global focus in this context needs to be laid on building and strengthening arrangements that seek to regulate, monitor and verify the flow of critical technologies that are employed in building drones. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Abe's Vision for a Resurgent Japan May Have Led to Demise > The assassination of Shinzo Abe has been presented as a fallout of the Liberal Democratic Party’s ties with the Unification Church. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/abe-s-vision-for-a-resurgent-japan-may-have-led-to-demise - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Anupama Vijayakumar - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Society · Topics: Special Features - Reading time: 6 min · 1444 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/abe-s-vision-for-a-resurgent-japan-may-have-led-to-demise-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The assassination of Shinzo Abe has been presented as a fallout of the Liberal Democratic Party’s ties with the Unification Church. But how much did Abe’s divisive views on Japan’s military resurgence contribute to this maelstrom? An in-depth look at the growing fissures in Japan’s society. --- But how much did Abe’s divisive views on Japan’s military resurgence contribute to this maelstrom? An in-depth look at the growing fissures in Japan’s society. The high-profile political assassination of Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was certainly one of the most shocking developments of the year. The violent episode which occurred on 8 July 2022 was quite startling considering it took place in a country that has conscientiously projected a Pacifist-foreign policy outlook in the post-1945 era. Abe’s legacy has been widely reflected upon around the world in obituaries and memorials penned by Heads of State, business leaders and common citizens. The dominant narrative herein has presented Abe as the ‘[Unifier of Oceans’](https://www.msn.com/en-in/news/opinion/a-unifier-of-oceans-conceiving-quad-will-remain-shinzo-abe-s-greatest-contribution/ar-AAZmFYh#:~:text=India%20A%20Unifier%20of%20Oceans%3A%20Conceiving%20QUAD%20Will,shared%20a%20special%20bonhomie%20with%20PM%20Narendra%20Modi) for solidifying the modern-day Indo-Pacific construct. Abe has also amusingly been christened the ‘[Quadfather](https://www.orfonline.org/research/the-quadfather-the-legacy-of-shinzo-abe-and-the-quad/)’, in light of his contributions to bringing together the grouping of major powers in the Indo-Pacific to address common challenges.**** However, what has been left out in many of these remembrances, perhaps deliberately, is Abe’s well-articulated yet controversial vision for Japan’s military resurgence and his efforts to revise its Pacifist constitution. It needs to be kept in mind that while Abenomics may have made the world (and particularly the liberal, free markets of the West) happy, his views on matters politico-military had often been a subject of [controversy](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/jul/12/shinzo-abe-controversial-vision-japan-constitution) and concern for both domestic and international observers. Abe’s murderer Tetsuya Yamagami, a 41-year-old JSDF veteran, purportedly [targeted](https://thediplomat.com/2022/08/abe-murder-suspect-says-mothers-involvement-in-unification-church-destroyed-his-life/) Abe for his supposed ties to the Unification Church, a Christian religious group, which is informally referred to as the ‘Moonies’. According to several reports, Yamagami had a deep-seated anger against the organization and blamed it for his family’s impoverishment. The group has since confirmed that the shooter’s mother is a member and has [admitted to](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/sep/23/unification-church-says-it-accepted-excessive-donations-from-mother-of-suspect-in-abe-killing) receiving donations of up to 100 million yens from her, while leaving the family in dire straits. Prominent politicians belonging to the Abe family including Shinzo Abe’s maternal grandfather Nobusuke Kishi as well as father Shintaro Abe have been said to have political ties with the Moonies. While none of them held a membership in the Unification Church, Abe had [lauded](https://www.upf.org/resources/speeches-and-articles/9944-s-abe-address-to-rally-of-hope-vii) the group for their efforts ‘in relation to the peaceful reunification of the Korean Peninsula’, as recently as September 2021, at a rally where former US President Donald Trump was also present. However, this explanation that has been presented before the world seems rather simplistic, perhaps even deliberately so. What seems to be getting drowned in this narrative is the increasing influence of religion and past history on Japan’s changing worldview in the 21st Century. Indeed, in the light of such a tragic incident, it is high time the world takes note of the fundamental point of polarisation in Japanese society, which revolves around its identity being defined by Pacifism or Militarism. This polarisation had been on the rise during Abe’s stints as PM. In light of many of his views and decisions regarding the revision of Japan’s Pacifist constitution, such divisions had been widening and may have directly contributed to his eventual assassination. In the post-1945 period, Japan’s politicians have concertedly been targeted by rogue radical citizens who differed on this fundamental point of divergence. Abe’s own grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, was [stabbed](https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2020/07/13/commentary/japan-commentary/assassination-attempt-nobusuke-kishi/) by a right-wing-leaning individual in 1960, at a time when he was facing public criticism for mismanaging the revision of the US-Japan Security Treaty. In another instance, the Shield Society, a right-wing paramilitary organisation founded by famous writer Mishima Yukio, attempted a failed [coup d’etat](https://theconversation.com/shinzo-abes-killing-the-history-of-political-violence-in-japan-186679) in 1970 to overthrow the Pacifist government and restore powers to the Emperor. In more recent memory, an assassin unsuccessfully [shot at](https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1990-01-18-mn-323-story.html) Nagasaki Mayor Motoshima Hitoshi in 1990, while the house of a Liberal Democratic Party politician Kato Koichi was subjected to [arson](https://theconversation.com/shinzo-abes-killing-the-history-of-political-violence-in-japan-186679) in 2006 by a disgruntled gentleman who took offense to his critical comments on PM Junichiro Koizumi’s visit to the Yasukuni shrine. While gun violence may be low in Japan, what all these incidents indicate is a fractured society grappling with contrasting visions of the state’s resurgence. Such instances strongly point to the existence of two contradicting strands of thought, the tussle between whom shall redefine Japan’s orientation towards international affairs in the coming years. The ripple effects of this ideological fissure in Japanese society were tested, pulled and twisted during Abe’s reign as PM. Abe’s administration sought to stretch the limits of Japan’s Pacifism through making constitutional revision a top priority. His vision sought to place Japan as a formidable presence in global affairs through extending the country’s limits for acceptable behaviour. In the 2012-2020 period, the administration crafted numerous policy changes that seemingly departed from traditionalist notions of pacifism in more ways than one. While steps were taken to expand the Self Defense Forces’ autonomous capabilities and global reach, Japan also [abandoned](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-26830504) its traditional ban on arms exports. These measures were rationalised using a growing threat perception coming from an aggressive China and North Korea. The perceived influence of the Nippon Kaigi’s ideology may be regarded as a catalyst that may have indirectly brought about the demise of Abe. The Nippon Kaigi traces its [early origins](https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-religious-cult-secretly-running-japan) to the *Seicho No Le*, a Liberal Shinto Organisation which was founded in the 1930s. A faction of this group [joined hands](https://www.thetrumpet.com/14529-the-cryptic-nationalist-group-steering-japan) with a Shinto State-revivalist organisation called *Nippon o Mamoru Kai* in 1974. The foundations of Nippon Kaigi in its present form are said to have been laid when certain right-leaning individuals [joined](https://www.thetrumpet.com/14529-the-cryptic-nationalist-group-steering-japan) *Nippon o Mamoru Kai* in 1997. Although the Nippon Kaigi is referred to as a political lobbying group, popular media has often painted it as a [cult](https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-religious-cult-secretly-running-japan) whose objective is to return Japan to its Imperial glory days. The group has been described to be comprised of individuals who never came to terms with Japan’s defeat in World War II. Popular perceptions of the group’s right-leaning ideology have been associated with notions of the Japanese peoples’ racial superiority and aversion to homosexuality and gender equality, while seeking to eventually help Japan attain Great Power status. The group has also been criticised for propounding a narrative that trivialises Imperial Japan’s aggressive behaviour. In addition to Abe, members of the Nippon Kaigi include several elite LDP members including current PM Fumio Kishida, former PMs Yoshihide Suga and Taro Aso, and former defence minister Nobuo Kishi. 22 out of 24 members in Abe’s Cabinet formed in [2018](https://theconversation.com/shinzo-abe-the-disputed-legacy-of-a-politician-who-dominated-public-life-in-japan-after-wwii-186757) belonged to this group. Reflections of Nippon Kaigi’s ideology can be located within Abe’s vision for Japan. However, policies such as ‘[Womenomics](https://fortune.com/2022/07/11/shinzo-abe-prime-minister-economic-agenda-japan-womenomics/)’ which sought to increase women’s participation in the workforce, should have contradicted ideas that the leader might take Japan back to its Imperial days. Although Abe’s hawkish policies may have gained favour among certain sections of the electorate, disgruntled sections may have perhaps been growing increasingly averse to Japan taking up important military roles. Even months after the assassination, Abe's legacy was seen leaving Japanese society as a divided house. Splayed over Western media reportage were images of protesters questioning why 1.66 billion yens (an amount that [purportedly exceeded](https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/shinzo-abes-state-funeral-to-cost-more-than-queen-elizabeths-reports-3373442) the funds spent on Queen Elizabeth’s funeral) was spent on a state funeral for Abe. This was in start contrast to the views expressed by Japanese youth, aged between 18-29, who wished to [celebrate](https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2022/09/21/national/abe-funeral-young/) the leader’s legacy. The images of Abe being shot down is eerily reminiscent to that of a wounded President Kennedy, another visionary leader whose assassination still looms large in the collective memory of the world. Much like JFK, Abe’s legacy is likely to have a definitive impact on Japan’s identity and the sort of status it may seek to achieve in the coming years. The legacy of Abe shines doubly bright as the shadow of an increasingly-aggressive China is today being felt all over the world. It can be said in no uncertain terms that Abe played a key role in opening the eyes of the world to the China threat, setting in place the necessary arrangements that could one day be operationalised if indeed Beijing choses a hegemonic path. The moment of Abe’s violent passing is a harbinger of times to come for Japan. Similar to how the Abe years set Japan on the path to resurgence, the emotional gale from his death may give the necessary impetus to the coming generation of leaders to seek to achieve it. In all probability, a moment of death may have birthed a fundamental transformation in Japan’s identity, one that it may unleash outwardly in a chosen moment of reckoning. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # Israel's Iron Dome: Promising Security to the Promised Land > With a success rate near 90%, the contribution of the Iron Dome to Israel’s national security has been immense. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/israel-s-iron-dome-promising-security-to-the-promised-land - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Aahir Das - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Military, Missile Defence - Reading time: 6 min · 1373 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/israel-s-iron-dome-promising-security-to-the-promised-land-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** With a success rate near 90%, the contribution of the Iron Dome to Israel’s national security has been immense. It is no surprise that this missile defence system is today one of the most sought-after advanced weapons platforms in the world. --- It is no surprise that this missile defence system is today one of the most sought-after advanced weapons platforms in the world. The Iron Dome (known as *Kippat Barzel* in Hebrew) is considered as one of the most advanced missile defense systems in the world. The system has been credited with saving the lives of hundreds of civilians and military personnel and has arguably allowed Israel to effectively manage its precarious regional security situation. Israel has gained the capability to do so by quickly neutralising threats without frequently deploying troops in the Gaza strip as it has done in the past. Moreover, the widely acclaimed success of the system has allowed Israel to build a reputation as a world leader in Critical Technologies in advanced electronics and aviation. The idea for the Iron Dome had gained traction within Israel’s military back in 2004 when Brigadier General Daniel Gold took over as Head of the Research and Development Bureau of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). [Referred to](https://www.israel21c.org/the-maverick-thinker-behind-iron-dome/) as the “maverick thinker behind Iron Dome” Brig. Gold spearheaded initial studies on how Israel could pursue anti-missile technologies to save human lives The requirement for a system such as the Iron Dome for Israel’s national security was evident in the aftermath of the [Second Lebanon War (2006)](https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/explained-israels-iron-dome-rocket-defence-system/article34556339.ece). With over 44 Israeli civilians dead and 250,000 more needing to evacuate their homes, the IDF understood the pressing need to create an interceptor missile system to shield the cities from the incessant rockets being launched by Hezbollah or Hamas into their lands. From just 2000 to 2008, over 8000 rocket projectiles had been indiscriminately [fired](https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/palestinian-rocket-and-mortar-attacks-against-israel) into Israel from Gaza. In 2007, Defence Minister Amir Peretz [chose](https://www.tabletmag.com/sections/israel-middle-east/articles/the-man-behind-iron-dome) the Iron Dome as shield against all short-range rocket and mortar bomb threats. Since then, over USD 210 million has been invested in sharpening and strengthening this tool against attacks targeting Israel. The Iron Dome, was developed through a joint collaboration between the IDF and Israeli firms, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems and Israel Aeorpsace Industries. The [United States](https://missilethreat.csis.org/defsys/iron-dome/) has financially aided the program since 2011 and gained more access to the technology following the signing of a co-production agreement in March 2014. The Iron Dome today is the the world’s most deployed missile defence system. [It has a success rate greater than 90% and completed over 2000 interceptions.](https://www.rafael.co.il/worlds/air-missile-defense/short-range-air-missile-defense/) The Iron Dome is “[an effective truck towed multi mission mobile air defence system](https://www.army-technology.com/projects/iron-dome/)”, designed to protect the Israel’s critical assets and civilian population residing in the country’s northern and southern borders, while significantly reducing collateral damage. The system can [protect](https://www.rafael.co.il/worlds/air-missile-defense/short-range-air-missile-defense/) a wide range of theatres and assets “in maneuvring forces, the forward operating base and urban areas against a wide range of indirect and aerial threats.” These include a [variety](https://www.army-technology.com/news/iron-dome-marks-10th-anniversary-of-first-operational-intercept/) of aerial threats including short-range rockets and 155 mm artillery shell threats with ranges of up to 70 kilometres along with Counter Rocket Artillery and Mortar (C-RAM). It can additionally defend against aircraft, helicopters and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV)s at a short-range. It has the capability to operate in any and all drastic weather conditions like fog, low clouds and rain, and has even proved the capability to simultaneously respond to multiple threats. After passing the testing in July of 2009, the IDF established its first battalion operated with the Iron Dome system. It was first deployed along the Gaza border and then subsequently another was established along the border with Lebanon. After completing a series of test interceptions of mimic Qassams and Katyushas (which have an operational range of 5-16 kilometres), the IDF declared the Iron Dome fully operational in March of 2011, and the system successfully intercepted rocket launched from Gaza for the first time in April of 2011. The Iron Dome is comprised of three components: - The Radar System: The Iron Dome is fitted with a ELM 2084 multi-mission radar (MMR) developed by the ELTA, subsidiary of IAI. The ELM 2084 is a 3D active “electronically scanned array (AESA) which operates in the S-band frequency”. The radar can locate, track and assess the trajectory of the incoming threat.The radar is said to have the capability to target upto 1100 targets for surveillance. - The Battle Management and Weapon Control (BMC): Built by mPrest, a private company partly owned by Rafael, the BMC synchronises the information received from detection and tracking systems to detect a rocket’s launch and assess whether it is a threat. The BMC then tracks the same and determines whether the target is a threat to any Israeli area to decide whether the [Tamir interceptor missile](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iron_Dome) is to be launched. - The Missile Firing Unit: Upon confirming an incoming threat, the Missile Firing Unit launches the [Tamir interceptor missile](https://missilethreat.csis.org/defsys/iron-dome/). The interceptor is 3-metre long and is 0.16-metres in diameter. It weighs about 90 kilograms at launch. It relies on an on-board active radar seeker for guidance and delivers firepower using a high-explosive blast-fragmentation warhead.  Each battery herein is comprised of three launchers which contain 20 interceptors each. One battery hence entails 60 interceptor missiles. The Iron Dome has been built to be deployed in a scattered pattern where each launcher is independently deployed and operated via wireless connection. Due to this, it has been estimated that a single Iron Dome battery can protect approximately 150 square kilometres of urban area. Over the years, various other members have also been added to the interceptor missile family: the [I-Dome](https://www.rafael.co.il/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/I-DOME-Brochure.pdf), which provides protection for motorised troops, air defense to military, industrial and administrative installations and the [C-Dome](https://www.rafael.co.il/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/C-Dome-Brochure.pdf), which is its naval counterpart to defend ships and sea-based strategic assets. The last technological upgrade was completed and tested in southern Israel in [March 2021](https://apnews.com/article/israel-gaza-strip-middle-east-08ab5cba58221eb84848f13f8195bc76). Israel now has [10 operational Iron Dome batteries](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/middle-east/explained-what-is-israels-iron-dome/articleshow/82739581.cms) which has demonstrated 90% kill rate against intercepted rockets from Gaza. Outside of Israel, the Iron Dome has been deployed to [protect](https://www.army-technology.com/projects/iron-dome/) NATO forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. Various collaborations have also taken place to deploy the cost-effective anti-missile system in different countries.  Compared to US-made interceptors such as the MIM-104 Patriot which cost about USD 2-4 million, price per interceptor for the Iron Dome stands at about USD 50,000 to USD 100,000. The Iron Dome is hence seen as an affordable option by several countries looking to bolster their aerial defense capabilities. However, Israel has only so far concluded a sale with the US Army. Today 75% of the Tamir’s components [are manufactured in USA](https://missilethreat.csis.org/defsys/iron-dome/) by a joint venture of Rafael and Raytheon. In August 2020, the companies [announced](https://www.defensenews.com/land/2020/08/03/raytheon-and-rafael-to-build-iron-dome-in-us/) their intent to set up “the first Iron Dome all-up-round facility outside of Israel” in the USA in order to add to the United States’ Indirect Fires Protection Capability (IFPC). Reports also indicate that Azerbaijan bought the system in 2016. A number of countries [including](https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2022-09-20/ty-article-magazine/.premium/romania-looks-set-to-be-first-european-country-to-buy-israels-iron-dome/00000183-5b1f-d9c4-a1e3-df9f7ca60000) India, Canada, Singapore, South Korea, Finland and Slovakia are reported to have [purchased](https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2022-09-20/ty-article-magazine/.premium/romania-looks-set-to-be-first-european-country-to-buy-israels-iron-dome/00000183-5b1f-d9c4-a1e3-df9f7ca60000) the Iron Dome’s radar system. Countries [including](https://eurasiantimes.com/uae-saudi-arabia-now-want-the-israeli-iron-dome-missile-defense-system-reports/) Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) along with [Romania](https://editor.wix.com/data/Romania) have also shown an interest in purchasing the system. Even though the Patriot has broader coverage, the lower cost of the Israeli system and broader level of deployment is expected to make them equally effective. Critics have pointed out that the Iron Dome is effective primarily against the type of rockets that Hamas and Hezbollah fire, which are predominantly Soviet-made, World War II-era rockets. However, despite its cost effectiveness, its longevity amid rapid developments in contemporary missile systems cannot be guaranteed. This is primarily the argument forwarded by India in its decision to [not purchase the Dome](https://www.defencexp.com/iron-dome-specialty-criticism-indian-alternative/) air defence system back in 2012. Both Pakistan and China have highly advanced military capabilities. Another drawback is coverage, which for small countries like Israel is not a problem. This is why Israel is now working on the development of another air defence system, known as the Iron Beam. It is a laser type system which can intercept the aerial threats. The IDF is also working on increasing the range of the Iron Dome to 250 kilometres where rockets can be intercepted from two directions simultaneously. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website. --- # INS Vikrant: India's Rise Takes to the Blue Waters > The commissioning of its second aircraft carrier, INS Vikrant, has placed India in an exclusive league of naval powers. - Source: https://stratechos.vercel.app/articles/ins-vikrant-india-s-rise-takes-to-the-blue-waters - Publication: StraTechos (https://stratechos.vercel.app) - Authors: Tarun G James - Published: 31 October 2022 (updated 23 August 2026) - Section: Technology & Security · Topics: Military - Reading time: 7 min · 1673 words - Audio narration: https://stratechos.vercel.app/https://stratechos.vercel.app/api/media/file/ins-vikrant-india-s-rise-takes-to-the-blue-waters-1.mp3 - License: © Trivium Think Tank. Quote with attribution and a link. **The brief (60 words):** The commissioning of its second aircraft carrier, INS Vikrant, has placed India in an exclusive league of naval powers. The Vikrant symbolises India’s drive for indigenisation in the defence sector and gives credence to the Indian Navy’s blue-water capabilities. --- The Vikrant symbolises India’s drive for indigenisation in the defence sector and gives credence to the Indian Navy’s blue-water capabilities. INS Vikrant, the nation's first home-built aircraft carrier, has formally joined the Indian Navy on August 15 as part of the nation's 75th Independence Day celebration, known as the "Azadi ka Amrit Mahotsav." The powerful ship is named after the previous INS Vikrant, a former [Royal Navy](http://idrw.org/indias-homemade-carrier-ready-to-flex-and-float/) aircraft carrier that India purchased in 1957, which played a prominent role in 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. The 40,000-tonne, carrier will undoubtedly contribute to the Indian Navy's ambition to become the net security provider for Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The project became a success with nearly seven-year wait time and a six-fold price increase from its original [2003](https://thewire.in/government/ins-vikrant-inadequate-navy-backlog) project sanction of Rs 3,216 crore to over Rs 20,000 crore currently. The commissioning of INS Vikrant. The India Government acquired [HMS Hercules](https://www.livehistoryindia.com/story/eras/ins-vikrant) in 1957 when the navies of countries such as the United States of America(USA) and the United Kingdom (UK), wanted to sell the ships they no longer required. INS Vikrant was crucial in the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 and proved to be a turning point in it. Her aircrafts destroyed a number of key targets in Bangladeshi [cities](https://www.defencexp.com/ins-vikrant-and-her-role-in-1971-war/), notably Cox Bazar and Chittagong. The heroic acts of Vikrant resulted in the formation of Bangladesh. Thus, the Indigenous Aircraft Carrier – 1 (IAC -1) was given the name INS Vikrant. IAC-1 was [conceptualized](https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/the-importance-of-iac-1-the-made-in-india-aircraft-carrier-7438715/) by the Directorate of Naval Design of the Indian Navy and was constructed at Cochin Shipyard Limited (CSL), a government sector shipyard run by the Ministry of Shipping. The carrier would be sent to the Indian Navy, but it would still be a "inexact" structure that won't be completely operational for another 18 to 20 [months](https://thewire.in/government/ins-vikrant-inadequate-navy-backlog), possibly longer. The Ministry of Defence and CSL committed to advance the project in three [phases](https://indiannavy.nic.in/content/delivery-indigenous-aircraft-carrier-iac-vikrant), with each phase's conclusion occurred in May 2007, December 2014, and October 2019, respectively. Keel laying took place in February 2009, later the ship was launched in August 2013. IAC-1, which has a 76 percent overall indigenous content, is a prime example of the country's ambition for "[Aatma Nirbhar Bharat](https://indiannavy.nic.in/content/delivery-indigenous-aircraft-carrier-iac-vikrant)" and gives momentum to government's "Make in India" drive. Compared to its predecessor, the new aircraft carrier is substantially gigantic and more sophisticated. The [renewed](https://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/first-indigenous-aircraft-carrier-vikrant-handed-over-to-navy-122072900049_1.html) INS Vikrant is powered by four [General Electric (GE) LM2500](https://www.geaviation.com/press-release/marine-industrial-engines/ges-lm2500-engines-power-indias-first-indigenous-aircraft) gas turbines assembled and tested in India by the Hindustan Aeronautics Pvt. Ltd that produce 88 MegaWatts (MW) of power. It has a capacity of holding at leat 6,000 tonnes of diesel, which each day generates 24 MW of electricity, equals to electricity required in lighting up half of Kochi. The ship’s body is made up of [about](https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/ins-vikrant-indigenous-aircraft-carrier-features-weapons-equipment-8112603/) 23,000 tonnes of warship grade steel. While India had access to a Russian formula on manufacturing military-grade steel in the late-1990s, it was unable to actualise this process. The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO)’s Defence Metallurgical Research Laboratory (DMRL) worked together with the Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL) to overcome this shortcoming to manufacture [three types of steel](https://thewire.in/security/ins-vikrant-indigenous-sourcing-imported-material) [equivalent](https://www.aninews.in/news/world/asia/iac-vikrants-total-cabling-length-equivalent-to-distance-between-kochi-delhi-amount-of-steel-used-equals-4-eiffel-towers20220823183121/) to the steel used in about four Eiffel towers: - DMR 249A variant has been used in the construction of the hull and the body. - DMR 249B variant has been employed in building the flight deck, which needs to bear the weight of ski-jump maneouvres. - DMR Z25 variant has been used in flooring for compartments that house heavy equipment such as engines. The Vikrant can reach a top speed of 28 knots (52 kilometres per hour). It is 262 m in length, 62 m at its widest point, and 59 m in height when the superstructure is included. There is a total of [14 decks](https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1743815), five of which are in the superstructure. The ship contains more than 2,300 compartments, built for a crew of about 1700 people and has [specific ](https://www.firstpost.com/india/explained-the-significance-of-ins-vikrant-the-first-made-in-india-aircraft-carrier-10896241.html#:~:text=INS%20Vikrant%20was%20India's%20first,to%20the%20creation%20of%20Bangladesh.)accommodations for female officers. The INS Vikrant is also said to be equipped with state-of-the-art medical facilities which include an operation theatre and a dental clinic. INS Vikrant is said to represent a kind of milestone with respect to its pursuit for indigenisation. The Kalam Committee in 1993 had recommended India to reduce dependence other countries for critical subsystems and advised India to reduce dependence on Germany for gearboxes utilised in naval systems. INS Vikrant is said to represent a kind of milestone with respect to India's pursuit for naval indigenisation in this regard. For Vikrant, the [gearbox](http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/two-cheers-to-ins-vikrant/) was supplied by Elecon Engineering Company, located in Anand, Gujarat. Meanwhile, the ship’s [Combat Management System (CMS)](https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/indian-navy-gets-combat-management-system-for-ins-vikrant/articleshow/68635755.cms?from=mdr), the computer system that performs functions including sensor fusion, weapons control and threat assessment has been developed by the Tata Power Strategic Engineering Division in collaboration with Russia-based company, MARS. A number of aircraft intended for a variety of purposes can be operated to realise power projection from this floating airbase. According to CRUX report, it can [accommodate](https://www.cnbctv18.com/india/first-indigenous-aircraft-carrier-of-india-ins-vikrant-all-you-need-to-know-14096412.htm) up to 26 different helicopters and 24 fighter jets. The MiG29Ks: Built specially to suit the Indian Navy’s requirements, the MiG29Ks constitute the mainstay of Vikrant’s air-fleet herein consists of the MiG-29Ks A true ‘swing role aircraft’, the MiG-29Ks are said to have the ability to simultaneously undertake air dominance and power projection missions. Possessing an air-to-air refueling capacity, it can undertake long range missions. - The Kamov-31 helicopters: These are expected to supplement the ship’s radar in helping detect threats over a longer range of upto 200 km in the air, from an altitude of about 9840 feet. - Lockheed Martin MH-360 Romeo multirole helicopters: Termed ‘the most advanced marine multi-mission helicopter currently in use’. It is expected to give India an edge in anti-submarine warfare and can be also engaged in anti-ship strikes. - Dhruv Advanced Light Helicopters (ALH) Mark III: These indigenously produced helicopters are expected to serve in constabulary roles including maritime reconnaissance and long-range search and rescue. - Tejas Light Combat Aircraft (LCA): An important role is currently being envisioned for this indigenously built fighter which successfully [demonstrated](https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/naval-variant-of-lca-tejas-successfully-lands-on-carrier/article30541842.ece) its ability to land and take off from INS Vikramaditya on 11 January 2020. However, it is not expected to reach the required levels of operational readiness at least [until 2030](https://thewire.in/security/time-for-an-accurate-and-down-to-earth-assessment-of-vikrant-say-veterans).   Similar to China’s Shandong and Russia’s Admiral Kuznetsov, Vikrant employs the short-take-off-but-arrested recovery system (STOBAR) which [uses](https://indianexpress.com/article/india/cochin-shipyard-delivers-countrys-first-indigenously-made-aircraft-carrier-vikrant-to-navy-8056637/) a ski jump manoeuvre  for launching aircraft and a set of ‘arrester wires’for their retrieval onboard. This unique aircraft-operation mode [helps](https://www.defencexp.com/explained-stobar-vs-catobar-type-of-aircraft-carriers/) the aircraft gain height quickly as well as touch down easily in a short distance. The CSL is currently working on [installing](https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/cochin-shipyard-to-install-surface-to-air-missile-systems-main-radar-on-ins-vikrant-next/article65903193.ece) the Long Range Surface to Air Missile (LR-SAM) system, and the MF-STAR (multi-functional digital active electronically scanned array) radar, with the aviation trials set to begin in November 2022. Vikrant is expected to be fully combat-ready by 2023. Many analysts believe that having an aircraft carrier is necessary for a navy to qualify as a "blue water" navy, or one that can reflect a country's strength and influence across the high seas. India's goals for the area would later increase with the commissioning of IAC Vikrant, which would also help to strengthen its status as a maritime nation in the IOR. The battleship would be a great asset to the Indian Navy as it serves as a moving military base that enhances its surveillance capabilities, enables the deployment of fighter jets, and supports operations for disaster management. With the INS Vikrant, India joins a selective group of countries that have mastered the [expertise](https://www.news18.com/news/explainers/explained-why-indigenous-aircraft-carrier-ins-vikrant-puts-india-in-select-group-of-nations-4667084.html) necessary to manufacture their own aircraft carriers. India attains a gold star for successfully finishing the project despite having no prior experience building such a large, sophisticated warship. In light of escalating tensions with China and the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of China's expanding ventures into the IOR, arrival of INS Vikrant represents a substantial improvement in the Indian Navy's ability to project power. The latest technologies and apparent superiority over INS Vikrant are found on China's brand-new indigenous aircraft carrier, Fujian. More than twice as much as the Vikrant's displacement capability of 37,500–[40,000](https://eurasiantimes.com/indian-navy-2nd-aircraft-carrier-compete-against-chinese-pla/) tonnes, Fujian has a displacement of even more than [80,000](https://www.scmp.com/news/china/military/article/3185845/chinas-fujian-aircraft-carrier-doesnt-have-radar-and-weapon?module=perpetual_scroll_0&pgtype=article&campaign=3185845) tonnes. China forwent STOBAR and catapult technology in favour of equipping electromagnetic aircraft launch system (EMALS). Most modern system, EMAL enables Fujian to launch a wider variety of heavy aircrafts with more ammunition, rapidly and easily. However, EMALS is yet to prove its reliability in carrier operations. On the one hand, China has advanced weaponry and technological capabilities, but the efficacy of their military is what matters most. It can only be judged by the people using the machinery, not by the machinery itself. US Army veteran Dennis J. Blasko noted that Chinese politician [Hu Jintao](https://warontherocks.com/2019/02/the-chinese-military-speaks-to-itself-revealing-doubts/) created the phrase "two incompatibles" in 2006 to denote the PLA's incapacity to triumph in regional conflicts and complete historic tasks. In 2013, Xi Jinping brought back the expression from the [Deng](https://warontherocks.com/2019/02/the-chinese-military-speaks-to-itself-revealing-doubts/) era, "two inabilities," by questioning the PLA's ability to fight a contemporary war and the efficacy of its cadres at all levels of command because of insufficient combat leadership capabilities. On the other hand, it is significant that, Indian Navy has more experience in operating real-world scenarios and is thus obviously well capable of fighting a modern war. This is also an excellent time to support the argument of designing India's third aircraft carrier, which has been the subject of heated discussion for the past decade. As per a [Zee](https://zeenews.india.com/news/india/govt-gives-nod-to-new-aircraft-carrier-brahmos-missiles-for-six-ships_1594954.html) news report, planning stage of IAC-2 has already begun in 2015.  The Navy specified the operating needs for the [third](https://www.financialexpress.com/defence/indian-navy-looking-beyond-the-vikrant/2601528/) carrier as part of the proposals presented; it would be larger than the current carriers, would displace roughly 65000 tonnes, might be nuclear powered and may feature the most recent EMALS technology. Building a third aircraft carrier would undoubtedly increase the strength of the Indian Navy and further its maritime goals when combined with Indian Naval competence. **Disclaimer:** The article expresses the author’s views on the matter and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of any institution they belong to or of Trivium Think Tank and the StraTechos website.